
Proto-Celtic, or Common Celtic, is the hypothetical ancestral proto-language of all known Celtic languages, and a descendant of Proto-Indo-European. It is not attested in writing but has been partly reconstructed through the comparative method. Proto-Celtic is generally thought to have been spoken between 1300 and 800 BC, after which it began to split into different languages. Proto-Celtic is often associated with the Urnfield culture and particularly with the Hallstatt culture. Celtic languages share common features with Italic languages that are not found in other branches of Indo-European, suggesting the possibility of an earlier Italo-Celtic linguistic unity.
Proto-Celtic | |
---|---|
PC, Common Celtic | |
Reconstruction of | Celtic languages |
Region | Central or Western Europe |
Era | ca. 1300–800 BC |
Reconstructed ancestor |
Proto-Celtic is currently being reconstructed through the comparative method by relying on later Celtic languages. Though Continental Celtic presents much substantiation for Proto-Celtic phonology, and some for its morphology, recorded material is too scanty to allow a secure reconstruction of syntax, though some complete sentences are recorded in the Continental Gaulish and Celtiberian. So, the main sources for reconstruction come from Insular Celtic languages with the oldest literature found in Old Irish and Middle Welsh, dating back to authors flourishing in the 6th century AD.
Dating
Proto-Celtic is usually dated to the Late Bronze Age, ca. 1200–900 BC. The fact that it is possible to reconstruct a Proto-Celtic word for 'iron' (traditionally reconstructed as *īsarnom) has long been taken as an indication that the divergence into individual Celtic languages did not start until the Iron Age (8th century BC to 1st century BC); otherwise, descendant languages would have developed their own, unrelated words for their metal. However, Schumacher and Schrijver suggest a date for Proto-Celtic as early as the 13th century BC, the time of the Canegrate culture, in northwest Italy, and the Urnfield culture in Central Europe, implying that the divergence may have already started in the Bronze Age.[why?]
Sound changes from Proto-Indo-European
The phonological changes from Proto-Indo-European (PIE) to Proto-Celtic (PC) may be summarized as follows. The changes are roughly in chronological order, with changes that operate on the outcome of earlier ones appearing later in the list.
Late PIE
These changes are shared by several other Indo-European branches.
- *e is colored by an adjacent laryngeal consonant:
- eh₂, h₂e > ah₂, h₂a
- eh₃, h₃e > oh₃, h₃o
- Palatovelars merge into the plain velars:
- ḱ > k
- ǵ > g
- ǵʰ > gʰ
- Epenthetic *a is inserted after a syllabic sonorant if a laryngeal and another sonorant follow (R̥HR > RaHR)
- Laryngeals are lost:
- before a following vowel (HV > V)
- following a vowel in syllables before the accent (VHC´ > VC´)
- following a vowel before a consonant, or word finally, resulting in compensatory lengthening, thus (VHC > V̄C, VH# > V̄#)
- between plosives in non-initial syllables (CHC > CC)
- Two adjacent dentals become two adjacent sibilants (TT > TsT > ss)
Italo-Celtic
The following sound changes are shared with the Italic languages in particular, and are cited in support of the Italo-Celtic hypothesis.
- : long close vowels are shortened (or a laryngeal is lost) before resonant + stressed vowel. Note that something like Dybo's rule seems to have also operated in Germanic (Old English wer < *wiHró-).
- īR´ / ? *iHR´ > iR´
- ūR´ / ? *uHR´ > uR´
- Possibly, post-consonantal laryngeals are lost when before pre-tonic close vowels:
- CHiC´ > CiC´
- CHuC´ > CuC´
- Development of initial stress, following the previous two changes. But note that this seems to have been an areal feature, shared, for example with the Indo-European Germanic languages and the non-Indo-European Etruscan language.
- Possibly, vocalization of laryngeals to *ī between a *CR cluster and consonantal *j (CRHjV > CRījV)
- Syllabic laryngeals become *a (CHC > CaC)
- Syllabic resonants before a voiced unaspirated stop become *Ra (R̩D > RaD)
- *m is assimilated or lost before a glide:
- mj > nj
- mw > w
- *p assimilates to *kʷ when another *kʷ follows later in the word (p...kʷ > kʷ...kʷ). But Matasovic points out that: A) this change may have occurred late in Celtic; B) it seems not to have operated on some words in Irish; and C) a very similar assimilation (though in reverse) also occurred in Germanic.
One change shows non-exact parallels in Italic: vocalization of syllabic resonants next to laryngeals depending on the environment. Similar developments appear in Italic, but for the syllabic nasals *m̩, *n̩, the result is Proto-Italic *əm, *ən (> Latin em ~ im, en ~ in).
- Word-initially, HR̩C > aRC
- Before voiceless stops, CR̩HT > CRaT
- CR̩HV > CaRHV
- CR̩HC > CRāC
Early PC
- Sequences of velar and *w merge into the labiovelars (it is uncertain if this preceded or followed the next change; that is, whether gw > b or gw > gʷ, but Schumacher 2004 argues on p. 372 that this change came first; moreover, it is also found in Proto-Italic, and thus arguably belongs to the previous section):
- kw > kʷ
- gw > gʷ
- gʰw > gʷʰ
- *gʷ merges into *b.
- Aspirated stops lose their aspiration and merge with the voiced stops (except that this counterfeeds the previous change, so *gʷʰ > *gʷ doesn't result in a merger; that is, the change *gʷʰ > *gʷ must crucially happen after the sound change gʷ > b has been completed):
- bʰ > b
- dʰ > d
- gʰ > g
- gʷʰ > gʷ
- *e before a resonant and *a (but not *ā) becomes *a as well (eRa > aRa): *ǵʰelH-ro > *gelaro > *galaro / *gérH-no > *gerano > *garano (Joseph's rule).
- Epenthetic *i is inserted after syllabic liquids when followed by a plosive:
- l̩T > liT
- r̩T > riT
- Epenthetic *a is inserted before the remaining syllabic resonants:
- m̩ > am
- n̩ > an
- l̩ > al
- r̩ > ar
- All remaining nonsyllabic laryngeals are lost.
- ē > ī
- ō > ū in final syllables
- Long vowels are shortened before a syllable-final resonant (V:RC > VRC); this also shortens long diphthongs. (Osthoff's law)
Late PC
- Plosives become *x before a different plosive or *s (C₁C₂ > xC₂, Cs > xs)
- p > b before liquids (pL > bL)
- p > w before nasals (pN > wN)
- p > ɸ (except possibly after *s)
- ō > ā
- ey > ē (but not in Celtiberian or Lepontic)
- ew > ow
- uwa > owa
Examples
PIE | PC | Example | ||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
PIE | Proto-Celtic | Old Irish | Welsh | |||||
*p | *ɸ | *ph₂tḗr | *ɸatīr | father | athir | edrydd | cf. home (< *ɸatrijo-) | |
*t | *t | *tréyes | *trīs | three | trí | tri | ||
*k, ḱ | *k | *kh₂n̥-e- *ḱm̥tom | *kan-o- *kantom | sing hundred | canaid cét /kʲeːd/ | canu cant | ||
*kʷ | *kʷ | *kʷetwores | *kʷetwares | four | ceth(a)ir | pedwar | ||
*b | *b | *h₂ébōl | *abalom | apple | uball | afal | ||
*d | *d | *derḱ- | *derk- | see | derc | eye | drych | sight |
*g, ǵ | *g | *gleh₁i- *ǵen-u- | *gli-na- *genu- | to glue jaw | glen(a)id giun, gin | (he) sticks fast mouth | glynu gên | adhere jaw |
*gʷ | *b | *gʷenh₂ | *bena | woman | ben | O.W. ben | ||
*bʰ | *b | *bʰére- | *ber-o- | carry | berid | (he) carries | adfer cymeryd | to restore to take |
*dʰ | *d | *dʰeh₁i- | *di-na- | suck | denait | they suck | dynu, denu | |
*gʰ, ǵʰ | *g | *gʰh₁bʰ-(e)y- *ǵʰelH-ro- | *gab-i- *galaro- | take sickness | ga(i)bid galar | (he) takes sickness | gafael galar | hold grief |
*gʷʰ | *gʷ | *gʷʰn̥- | *gʷan-o- | kill, wound | gonaid | (he) wounds, slays | gwanu | stab |
*s | *s | *sen-o- | *senos | old | sen | hen | ||
*m | *m | *méh₂tēr | *mātīr | mother | máthir | modryb | cf. aunt | |
*n | *n | *h₂nép-ōt- | *neɸūts | nephew | niad | nai | ||
*l | *l | *leyǵʰ- | *lig-e/o- | lick | ligid | (he) licks | llyo, llyfu | |
*r | *r | *h₃rēǵ-s | *rīgs | king | rí (gen. ríg) | rhi | ||
*j | *j | *h₂yuh₁n-ḱós | *juwankos | young | óac | ieuanc | ||
*w | *w | *h₂wl̥h₁tí- | *wlatis | rulership | flaith | gwlad | country |
PIE | PC | Example | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
PIE | PC | Old Irish | Welsh | ||||||
*a, *h₂e | *a | *h₂ep-h₃ōn- | *abū acc. *abonen | river | aub | afon | |||
*ā, *eh₂ | *ā | *bʰréh₂tēr | *brātīr | brother | bráthir | brawd | |||
*e, h₁e | *e | *sen-o- | *senos | old | sen | hen | |||
*H | between consonants | *a | *ph₂tḗr | *ɸatīr | father | athir | edrydd | cf. home | |
*ē, eh₁ | *ī | *weh₁-ro- | *wīros | true | fír | gwir | |||
*o, Ho, h₃e | *o | *Hroth₂o- | *rotos | wheel | roth | rhod | |||
*ō, eh₃ | in final syllable | *ū | *h₂nép-ōt- | *neɸūts | nephew | niæ | nai | ||
elsewhere | *ā | *deh₃no- | *dāno- | gift | dán | dawn | |||
*i | *i | *gʷih₃-tu- | *bitus | world | bith | byd | |||
*ī, iH | *ī | *rīmeh₂ | *rīmā | number | rím | rhif | |||
*ai, h₂ei, eh₂i | *ai | *kaikos *seh₂itlo- | *kaikos *saitlo- | blind age | cáech — | one-eyed — | coeg hoedl | empty, one-eyed age | |
*(h₁)ei, ēi, eh₁i | *ei | *deywos | *deiwos | god | día | duw | |||
*oi, ōi, h₃ei, eh₃i | *oi | *oynos | *oinos | one | óen oín; áen aín | un | |||
*u | before wa | o | *h₂yuh₁n-ḱós | *juwankos > *jowankos | young | óac | ieuanc | ||
elsewhere | *u | *srutos | *srutos | stream | sruth | ffrwd | |||
*ū, uH | *ū | *ruHneh₂ | *rūnā | mystery | rún | rhin | |||
*au, h₂eu, eh₂u | *au | *tausos | *tausos | silent | táue | silence (*tausijā) | taw | ||
*(h₁)eu, ēu, eh₁u; *ou, ōu, h₃eu, eh₃u | *ou | *tewteh₂ *gʷeh₃-u-s | *toutā *bows | people cow | túath bó | tud M.W. bu, biw | |||
*l̥ | before stops | *li | *pl̥th₂nós | *ɸlitanos | wide | lethan | llydan | ||
before other consonants | *al | *kl̥h₁- | *kaljākos | rooster | cailech (Ogham gen. caliaci) | ceiliog | |||
*r̩ | before stops | *ri | *bʰr̩ti- | *briti- | act of bearing; mind | breth, brith | bryd | ||
before other consonants | *ar | *mr̩wos | *marwos | dead | marb | marw | |||
*m̩ | *am | *dm̩-nh₂- | *damna- | subdue | M.Ir. damnaid | he ties, fastens, binds | — | ||
*n̩ | *an | *h₃dn̥t- | *dant | tooth | dét /dʲeːd/ | dant | |||
*l̩H | before obstruents | *la | *h₂wlh₁tí- | *wlatis | lordship | flaith | gwlad | country | |
before sonorants | *lā | *pl̩Hmeh₂ | *ɸlāmā | hand | lám | llaw | |||
*r̩H | before obstruents | *ra | *mr̩Htom | *mratom | betrayal | mrath | brad | ||
before sonorants | *rā | *ǵr̩Hnom | *grānom | grain | grán | grawn | |||
*m̩H | (presumably with same distribution as above) | *am/mā | *dm̩h₂-ye/o- | *damje/o- | to tame | daimid fodam- | daimid - | goddef | endure, suffer |
*n̩H | *an/nā | *ǵn̩h₃to- ? | *gnātos | known | gnáth | gnawd | customary |
Phonological reconstruction
Consonants
The following consonants have been reconstructed for Proto-Celtic (PC):
Manner Voicing Bilabial Alveolar Palatal Velar plain labialized Plosive voiceless t k kʷ voiced b d ɡ ɡʷ Fricative ɸ s x Nasal m n Approximant l j w Trill r
Allophones of plosives
Eska has recently proposed that PC stops allophonically manifest similarly to those in English. Voiceless stop phonemes /t k/ were aspirated word-initially except when preceded by /s/, hence aspirate allophones [tʰ kʰ]. And unaspirated voiced stops /b d ɡ/ were devoiced to [p t k] word-initially.
This allophony may be reconstructed to PC from the following evidence:
- Modern Celtic languages like Welsh, Breton, and all modern Goidelic languages have such plosive aspiration and voice allophony already attested. (But there is no trace of this in Gaulish.)
- Several old Celtic languages (such as Old Irish, Old Welsh, and Lepontic) used letters for voiceless stop phonemes to write both voiceless stop phonemes and their voiced counterparts, especially non-word-initially. (But in the case of Lepontic, this is because the alphabet was derived from Etruscan, which has no voice contrasts in plosives.)
- The Celtiberian Luzaga's Bronze has the curious spelling of an accusative determiner sdam, where the d is clearly meant to spell [t]. This implies that Celtiberian /d/ had a voiceless allophone [t].
Evolution of plosives
Proto-Indo-European (PIE) voiced aspirate stops *bʰ, *dʰ, *gʰ/ǵʰ, merge with *b, *d, *g/ǵ in PC. The voiced aspirate labiovelar *gʷʰ did not merge with *gʷ, though: plain *gʷ became PC *b, while aspirated *gʷʰ became *gʷ. Thus, PIE *gʷen- 'woman' became Old Irish and Old Welsh ben, but PIE *gʷʰn̥- 'to kill, wound' became Old Irish gonaid and Welsh gwanu.
PIE *p is lost in PC, apparently going through the stages *ɸ (possibly a stage *[pʰ]) and *h (perhaps seen in the name Hercynia if this is of Celtic origin) before being completely lost word-initially and between vowels. Next to consonants, PC *ɸ underwent different changes: the clusters *ɸs and *ɸt became *xs and *xt respectively already in PC. PIE *sp- became Old Irish s (f- when lenited, exactly as for PIE *sw-) and Brythonic f; while Schrijver 1995, p. 348 argues there was an intermediate stage *sɸ- (in which *ɸ remained an independent phoneme until after Proto-Insular Celtic had diverged into Goidelic and Brythonic), McCone 1996, pp. 44–45 finds it more economical to believe that *sp- remained unchanged in PC, that is, the change *p to *ɸ did not happen when *s preceded. (Similarly, Grimm's law did not apply to *p, t, k after *s in Germanic, and the same exception occurred again in the High German consonant shift.)
Proto-Celtic Old Irish Welsh *laɸs- > *laxs- 'shine' las-aid llach-ar *seɸtam > *sextam 'seven' secht saith *sɸeret- or *speret- 'heel' seir ffêr
In Gaulish and the Brittonic languages, the Proto-Indo-European *kʷ phoneme becomes a new *p sound. Thus, Gaulish petuar[ios], Welsh pedwar "four", but Old Irish cethair and Latin quattuor. Insofar as this new /p/ fills the gap in the phoneme inventory which was left by the disappearance of the equivalent stop in PIE, we may think of this as a chain shift.
The terms P-Celtic and Q-Celtic are useful for grouping Celtic languages based on the way they handle this one phoneme. But a simple division into P- / Q-Celtic may be untenable, as it does not do justice to the evidence of the ancient Continental Celtic languages. The many unusual shared innovations among the Insular Celtic languages are often also presented as evidence against a P- vs Q-Celtic division, but they may instead reflect a common substratum influence from the pre-Celtic languages of Britain and Ireland,[1], or simply continuing contact between the insular languages; in either case they would be irrelevant to the genetic classification of Celtic languages.
Q-Celtic languages may also have /p/ in loan words, though in early borrowings from Welsh into Primitive Irish, /kʷ/ was used by sound substitution due to a lack of a /p/ phoneme at the time:
- Latin Patricius "Saint Patrick"' > Welsh > Primitive Irish Qatricias > Old Irish Cothrige, later Pádraig;
- Latin presbyter "priest" > early form of word seen in Old Welsh premter primter > Primitive Irish qrimitir > Old Irish cruimther.
Gaelic póg "kiss" was a later borrowing (from the second word of the Latin phrase osculum pacis "kiss of peace") at a stage where p was borrowed directly as p, without substituting c.
Vowels
The PC vowel system is highly comparable to that reconstructed for PIE by Antoine Meillet. The following monophthongs are reconstructed:
The following diphthongs have also been reconstructed:
Type With -i With -u With a- ai au With o- oi ou
Morphology
Nouns
The morphological (structure) of nouns and adjectives demonstrates no arresting alterations from the parent language. Proto-Celtic is believed to have had nouns in three genders, three numbers and five to eight cases. The genders were masculine, feminine and neuter; the numbers were singular, plural and dual. The number of cases is a subject of contention: while Old Irish may have only five, the evidence from Continental Celtic is considered[by whom?] rather unambiguous despite appeals to archaic retentions or morphological leveling. These cases were nominative, vocative, accusative, dative, genitive, ablative, locative and instrumental.
Nouns fall into nine or so declensions, depending on stem. There are *o-stems, *ā-stems, *i-stems, *u-stems, dental stems, velar stems, nasal stems, *r-stems and *s-stems.
*o-stem nouns
Case | Singular | Dual | Plural |
---|---|---|---|
Nominative | *makkʷos | *makkʷou | *makkʷoi |
Vocative | *makkʷe | *makkʷou | *makkʷūs |
Accusative | *makkʷom | *makkʷou | *makkʷūs |
Genitive | *makkʷī | *makkʷūs | *makkʷom |
Dative | *makkʷūi | *makkʷobom | *makkʷobos |
Ablative | *makkʷū | *makkʷobim | *makkʷobis |
Instrumental | *makkʷū | *makkʷobim | *makkʷūs |
Locative | *makkʷei | *makkʷou | *makkʷobis |
However, Celtiberian shows -o- stem genitives ending in -o rather than -ī: aualo "[son] of Avalos". Also note that the genitive singular does not match Proto-Indo-European's -osyo, which would have yielded -osjo.
- dūnom 'stronghold' (neuter)
Case | Singular | Dual | Plural |
---|---|---|---|
Nominative | *dūnom | *dūnou | *dūnā |
Vocative | *dūnom | *dūnou | *dūnā |
Accusative | *dūnom | *dūnou | *dūnā |
Genitive | *dūnī | *dūnūs | *dūnom |
Dative | *dūnūi | *dūnobom | *dūnobos |
Ablative | *dūnū | *dūnobim | *dūnobis |
Instrumental | *dūnū | *dūnobim | *dūnūs |
Locative | *dūnei | *dūnou | *dūnobis |
As in the masculine paradigm, the genitive singular does not match Proto-Indo-European's -osyo, which would have yielded -osjo.
*ā-stem nouns
E.g. *ɸlāmā 'hand' (feminine) (Old Irish lám; Welsh llaw, Cornish leuv, Old Breton lom)
Case | Singular | Dual | Plural |
---|---|---|---|
Nominative | *ɸlāmā | *ɸlāmai | *ɸlāmās |
Vocative | *ɸlāmā | *ɸlāmai | *ɸlāmās |
Accusative | *ɸlāmām | *ɸlāmai | *ɸlāmās |
Genitive | *ɸlāmās | *ɸlāmajous | *ɸlāmom |
Dative | *ɸlāmāi | *ɸlāmābom | *ɸlāmābos |
Ablative | *ɸlāmī | *ɸlāmābim | *ɸlāmābis |
Instrumental | *ɸlāmī | *ɸlāmābim | *ɸlāmābis |
Locative | *ɸlāmāi | *ɸlāmābim | *ɸlāmābis |
*i-stems
E.g. *sūlis 'sight, view, eye' (feminine) (Brittonic sulis ~ Old Irish súil)
Case | Singular | Dual | Plural |
---|---|---|---|
Nominative | *sūlis | *sūlī | *sūlīs |
Vocative | *sūli | *sūlī | *sūlīs |
Accusative | *sūlim | *sūlī | *sūlīs |
Genitive | *sūleis | *sūljous | *sūljom |
Dative | *sūlei | *sūlibom | *sūlibos |
Ablative | *sūlī | *sūlibim | *sūlibis |
Instrumental | *sūlī | *sūlibim | *sūlibis |
Locative | *sūlī | *sūlibim | *sūlibis |
E.g. *mori 'body of water, sea' (neuter) (Gaulish Mori- ~ Old Irish muir ~ Welsh môr)
Case | Singular | Dual | Plural |
---|---|---|---|
Nominative | *mori | *morī | *moryā |
Vocative | *mori | *morī | *moryā |
Accusative | *mori | *morī | *moryā |
Genitive | *moreis | *moryous | *moryom |
Dative | *morei | *moribom | *moribos |
Ablative | *morī | *moribim | *moribis |
Instrumental | *morī | *moribim | *moribis |
Locative | *morī | *moribim | *moribis |
*u-stem nouns
E.g. *bitus 'world, existence' (masculine) (Gaulish Bitu- ~ Old Irish bith ~ Welsh byd ~ Breton bed)
Case | Singular | Dual | Plural |
---|---|---|---|
Nominative | *bitus | *bitou | *bitowes |
Vocative | *bitu | *bitou | *bitowes |
Accusative | *bitum | *bitou | *bitūs |
Genitive | *bitous | *bitowou | *bitowom |
Dative | *bitou | *bitubom | *bitubos |
Ablative | *bitū | *bitubim | *bitubis |
Instrumental | *bitū | *bitubim | *bitubis |
Locative | *bitū | *bitubim | *bitubis |
E.g. *beru "rotisserie spit" (neuter)
Case | Singular | Dual | Plural |
---|---|---|---|
Nominative | *beru | *berou | *berwā |
Vocative | *beru | *berou | *berwā |
Accusative | *beru | *berou | *berwā |
Genitive | *berous | *berowou | *berowom |
Dative | *berou | *berubom | *berubos |
Ablative | *berū | *berubim | *berubis |
Instrumental | *berū | *berubim | *berubis |
Locative | *berū | *berubim | *berubis |
Velar and dental stems
Before the *-s of the nominative singular, a velar consonant was fricated to *-x : *rīg- "king" > *rīxs. Likewise, final *-d devoiced to *-t-: *druwid- "druid" > *druwits.
E.g. *rīxs "king" (masculine)
Case | Singular | Dual | Plural |
---|---|---|---|
Nominative | *rīxs | *rīge | *rīges |
Vocative | *rīxs | *rīge | *rīges |
Accusative | *rīgam | *rīge | *rīgās |
Genitive | *rīgos | *rīgou | *rīgom |
Dative | *rīgei | *rīgobom | *rīgobos |
Ablative | *rīgī | *rīgobim | *rīgobis |
Instrumental | *rīge | *rīgobim | *rīgobis |
Locative | *rīgi | *rīgobim | *rīgobis |
E.g. *druwits "druid" (masculine)
Case | Singular | Dual | Plural |
---|---|---|---|
Nominative | *druwits | *druwide | *druwides |
Vocative | *druwits | *druwide | *druwides |
Accusative | *druwidem | *druwide | *druwidās |
Genitive | *druwidos | *druwidou | *druwidom |
Dative | *druwidei | *druwidobom | *druwidobos |
Ablative | *druwidī | *druwidobim | *druwidobis |
Instrumental | *druwide | *druwidobim | *druwidobis |
Locative | *druwidi | *druwidobim | *druwidobis |
E.g. *karants "friend" (masculine)
Case | Singular | Dual | Plural |
---|---|---|---|
Nominative | *karants | *karante | *karantes |
Vocative | *karants | *karante | *karantes |
Accusative | *karantam | *karante | *karantās |
Genitive | *karantos | *karantou | *karantom |
Dative | *karantei | *karantobom | *karantobos |
Ablative | *karantī | *karantobim | *karantobis |
Instrumental | *karante | *karantobim | *karantobis |
Locative | *karanti | *karantobim | *karantobis |
Nasal stems
Generally, nasal stems end in *-on-; this becomes *-ū in the nominative singular: *abon- "river" > *abū.
E.g. *abū "river" (feminine)
Case | Singular | Dual | Plural |
---|---|---|---|
Nominative | *abū | *abone | *abones |
Vocative | *abū | *abone | *abones |
Accusative | *abonam | *abone | *abonās |
Genitive | *abonos | *abonou | *abonom |
Dative | *abonei | *abnobom | *abnobos |
Ablative | *abonī | *abnobim | *abnobis |
Instrumental | *abone | *abnobim | *abnobis |
Locative | *aboni | *abnobim | *abnobis |
E.g. *anman "name" (neuter)
Case | Singular | Dual | Plural |
---|---|---|---|
Nominative | *anman | *anmanī | *anmanā |
Vocative | *anman | *anmanī | *anmanā |
Accusative | *anman | *anmanī | *anmanā |
Genitive | *anmēs | *anmanou | *anmanom |
Dative | *anmanei | *anmambom | *anmambos |
Ablative | *anmanī | *anmambim | *anmambis |
Instrumental | *anmane | *anmambim | *anmambis |
Locative | *anmani | *anmambim | *anmambis |
*s-stem nouns
Generally,*s-stems contain an *-es-, which becomes *-os in the nominative singular: *teges- 'house' > *tegos.
E.g.*tegos "house" (neuter)
Case | Singular | Dual | Plural |
---|---|---|---|
Nominative | *tegos | *tegese | *tegesa |
Vocative | *tegos | *tegese | *tegesa |
Accusative | *tegos | *tegese | *tegesa |
Genitive | *tegesos | *tegesou | *tegesom |
Dative | *tegesi | *tegesobom | *tegesobos |
Ablative | *tegesī | *tegesobim | *tegesobis |
Instrumental | *tegese | *tegesobim | *tegesobis |
Locative | *tegesi | *tegesobim | *tegesobis |
*r-stem nouns
- r-stems are rare and principally confined to names of relatives. Typically they end in *-ter-, which becomes *-tīr in the nominative and *-tr- in all other cases aside from the accusative: *ɸater- 'father' > *ɸatīr, *ɸatros.
E.g. *ɸatīr 'father' (masculine)
Case | Singular | Dual | Plural |
---|---|---|---|
Nominative | *ɸatīr | *ɸatere | *ɸateres |
Vocative | *ɸatīr | *ɸatere | *ɸateres |
Accusative | *ɸateram | *ɸatere | *ɸaterās |
Genitive | *ɸatros | *ɸatrou | *ɸatrom |
Dative | *ɸatrei | *ɸatrebom | *ɸatrebos |
Ablative | *ɸatrī | *ɸatrebim | *ɸatrebis |
Instrumental | *ɸatre | *ɸatrebim | *ɸatrebis |
Locative | *ɸatri | *ɸatrebim | *ɸatrebis |
E.g. *mātīr 'mother' (feminine)
Case | Singular | Dual | Plural |
---|---|---|---|
Nominative | *mātīr | *mātere | *māteres |
Vocative | *mātīr | *mātere | *māteres |
Accusative | *māteram | *mātere | *māterās |
Genitive | *mātros | *mātrou | *mātrom |
Dative | *mātrei | *mātrebom | *mātrebos |
Ablative | *mātrī | *mātrebim | *mātrebis |
Instrumental | *mātre | *mātrebim | *mātrebis |
Locative | *mātri | *mātrebim | *mātrebis |
Pronouns
The following personal pronouns in Celtic can be reconstructed as follows:: 220–221 : 281
Case | First-person | Second-person | ||
---|---|---|---|---|
Singular | Plural | Singular | Plural | |
Nominative | *mī | *snī | *tū | *swī |
Accusative | *me | *snos | *tu | *swes |
Genitive | *mene | ? | *towe | ? |
- Remade as *mu in the prehistory of Irish by analogy to *tu.
- Remade as *mowe in the prehistory of Irish by analogy to *towe.
The following third-person pronouns in Proto-Celtic may also be reconstructed.: 62 : 220
Case | Singular | Plural | ||
---|---|---|---|---|
Masculine | Feminine | Neuter | ||
Nominative | *es, *ēs | *sī | *ed | *eyes |
Accusative | *em | *seyam? *sīm? | *sūs | |
Genitive | *esyo | *esyās | *esyo | *ēsom? *esom? |
Dative Instrumental Locative | *e(s)yōi | *esyāi | *e(s)yōi | *ēbis |
Forms of the masculine singular relative pronoun *yo- can be found in the first Botorrita plaque: The form io-s in line 10 is the nominative singular masculine of the relative pronoun from Proto-Indo-European *yo- (Sanskrit ya-, Greek hos), which shows up in Old Irish only as the aspiration for leniting relative verb forms. Line 7 has the accusative singular io-m and the dative singular io-mui of the same root.
Adjectives
Adjectives in Proto-Celtic had positive, comparative, superlative and equative degrees of comparison.
Positive-degree inflection classes
Four inflection classes for positive-degree adjectives are known. Most adjectives belonged to the o-ā class, in which the adjectives inflected like masculine o-stems, neuter o-stems and feminine ā-stems when agreeing with nouns of their respective genders. A much smaller minority of adjectives were i- and u-stems.
Consonant-stem adjectives also existed but were vanishingly rare, with only relics in Old Irish like té "hot" < *teɸents.
Comparative degree
The comparative degree was formed on most adjectives by attaching *-yūs to the adjective stem. For instance, *senos "old" would have a comparative *senyūs "older". However, some Caland system adjectives instead had a comparative ending in *-is, which was then extended to *-ais. For example, *ɸlitanos "wide" had a comparative *ɸletais.
Superlative degree
The superlative was formed by simply attaching *-isamos to the adjective stem. In some adjectives where the stem ends in *s, the suffix is truncated to *-(s)amos by haplology. Thus, *senos "old" would have a superlative *senisamos "oldest" but *trexsnos (stem *trexs-) would have a superlative *trexsamos.
Verbs
From comparison between early Old Irish and Gaulish forms it seems that Continental and Insular Celtic verbs developed differently and so the study of Irish and Welsh may have unduly weighted past opinion of Proto-Celtic verb morphology.[citation needed] It can be inferred from Gaulish and Celtiberian as well as Insular Celtic that the Proto-Celtic verb had at least three moods:
- indicative — seen in e.g. 1st sg. Gaulish delgu "I hold", Old Irish tongu "I swear"
- imperative — seen in e.g. 3rd sg. Celtiberian usabituz, Gaulish appisetu
- subjunctive — seen in e.g. 3rd sg. Gaulish buetid "may he be", Celtiberian asekati
and four tenses:
- present — seen in e.g. Gaulish uediíu-mi "I pray", Celtiberian zizonti "they sow"
- preterite — seen in e.g. 3rd sg. Gaulish sioxti, Lepontic KariTe
- imperfect — perhaps in Celtiberian kombalkez, atibion
- future — seen in e.g. 3rd sg. Gaulish bissiet, Old Irish bieid "he shall be"
A probable optative mood also features in Gaulish (tixsintor) and an infinitive (with a characteristic ending -unei) in Celtiberian.
Verbs were formed by adding suffixes to a verbal stem. The stem might be thematic or athematic, an open or a closed syllable.
Primary endings
The primary endings in Proto-Celtic were as follows. They were used to form the present, future, and subjunctive conjugations.
Person and number | Basic endings | Thematic present | ||
---|---|---|---|---|
Active | Mediopassive | Active | Mediopassive | |
1st sg. | *-ū (thematic) *-mi (athematic) | *-ūr | *-ū | *-ūr |
2nd sg. | *-si | *-tar | *-esi | *-etar |
3rd sg. | *-ti | *-tor | *-eti | *-etor |
1st pl. | *-mosi | *-mor | *-omosi | *-omor |
2nd pl. | *-tesi | *-dwe | *-etesi | *-edwe |
3rd pl. | *-nti | *-ntor | *-onti | *-ontor |
Present-stem formations
Proto-Celtic possessed a diverse set of ways to form present stems. They can be roughly be divided into two broad categories of athematic and thematic.
- Thematic verbs feature a connecting vowel between the present stem and the basic primary endings. This vowel is -o- in the first-person and third-person plural and -e- in the third-person singular and second-person forms. The first-person singular of these verbs end in *-ū.
- Athematic verbs feature no such connecting vowel, and their 1st-person singular forms end in *-mi instead of *-ū.
These two inflectional categories can themselves be subdivided based on the means of derivation from a verb root via a combination of root ablaut grades and suffixes. These derivational classes include:: 36–47
Inflectional class | Root ablaut | Affix | Class | KPV designation |
---|---|---|---|---|
Thematic | e-grade | (none) | Simple thematic | A-1 |
*-ye- | e-grade *-ye- | A-5 | ||
*-de- | e-grade *-de- | A-6 | ||
o-grade | *-ī- *-eyo- | *-eye- causative/iterative | (none) | |
zero grade | (none) | Thematized root athematic | A-2 | |
tudáti-type thematic | ||||
*-ske- | *-ske- inchoative | A-3 | ||
*-ye- | zero-grade *-ye- | A-4 | ||
Nasal infix | Aniṭ-root nasal-infix | A-8 | ||
i-reduplication | i-reduplicated present | A-15 | ||
(varied) | *-āye- | Denominative | (none) | |
Athematic | e-grade | (none) | CeRH-root present | A-13 |
zero grade | *-na- (when levelled) | seṭ-root nasal-infix | A-8 | |
*-nu- | *-new- present | A-10 | ||
*-ī- | essive | A-7 | ||
(varied) | *-ā- | factitive | (none) |
Nasal-infix presents
In Proto-Celtic, the Indo-European nasal infix presents split into two categories: ones originally derived from laryngeal-final roots (i.e. seṭ roots in Sanskrit), and ones that were not (i.e. from aniṭ roots). In seṭ verbs, the nasal appears at the end of the present stem, while in aniṭ-derived verbs the nasal was followed by a root-final stop (generally -g- in Old Irish).
To aniṭ roots
Aniṭ nasal infix verbs conjugated exactly like basic thematic verbs in the present tense.
However, the origin of the invariant root vowel in -o- in *CewC- roots in Old Irish is unclear. Usually, it is held that the consonantism in these verbs was generalized in favour of the plural stem *CunC- in Old Irish. One would expect alternation between o in the 1st- and 3rd- person plural and -u- elsewhere in the present; but for both contexts Old Irish only attests -o-.
The following verbs can be reconstructed in this class:
- To *CeyC- roots: *dingeti, *grindeti, *indeti, *linkʷeti
- Double-nasal presents: *ganndeti, *glanndeti, *skanndeti
- To *CewC- roots: *bundeti, *bungeti, *dlungeti, *exsstungeti, *lungeti, *rundeti, *slunketi, *tungeti, *unketi
- Others: *annketi, *dringeti
To seṭ roots
On the other hand, the seṭ presents originally had a long vowel after the nasal in the singular and -a- after the nasal in the plural, but the attested Celtic languages levelled this alternation away. Gaulish shows traces of the singular long-vowel vocalism while Old Irish generalized the plural -a- to the singular.
The seṭ nasal-infix presents were further subdivided into subcategories based on the root-final laryngeal. Traditionally two subclasses have long been accepted, the *h₁ subclass (cited with a -ni- suffix) and *h₂ (cited with a -na- suffix). *h₃ nasal-infixed verbs were often leveled to act like *h₂ verbs, being also cited with a -na- suffix; the only original difference between the two would have been the 3rd-person plural ending in *-nonti instead of *-nanti.
The nasal-infix seṭ verbs in Proto-Celtic underwent multiple levelings. First, the suffixal vowel in the plural forms was harmonized so that they would all be the short counterpart to the vowel in the singular forms. Then all the long vowels in the singular were shortened to make the suffix vowel identical in quality and length across all person-number combinations.: 11–23
Person and number | Pre-leveling | Leveling of vowel quality | Leveling of vowel length | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
*h₁ verbs | *h₂ verbs | *h₃ verbs | *h₁ verbs | *h₂ and *h₃ verbs | *h₁ verbs | *h₂ and *h₃ verbs | |
1st sg. | *-nīmi | *-nāmi | *-nāmi | *-nīmi | *-nāmi | *-nimi | *-nami |
2nd sg. | *-nīsi | *-nāsi | *-nāsi | *-nīsi | *-nāsi | *-nisi | *-nasi |
3rd sg. | *-nīti | *-nāti | *-nāti | *-nīti | *-nāti | *-niti | *-nati |
1st pl. | *-namosi | *-namosi | *-namosi | *-nimosi | *-namosi | *-nimosi | *-namosi |
2nd pl. | *-natesi | *-natesi | *-natesi | *-nitesi | *-natesi | *-nitesi | *-natesi |
3rd pl. | *-nenti | *-nanti | *-nonti | *-ninti | *-nanti | *-ninti | *-nanti |
The following seṭ-root nasal presents are reconstructible for Proto-Celtic:
- *h₁-final roots:
- -ni- relics: *balnīti, *tinīti, *dalnīti
- Converted to -na- before Old Irish: *dinīti, *winīti, *kʷalnīti
- *h₂ subclass: *kʷrināti, *rināti, *damnāti, *bināti (?), *tlināti, *ɸalnāti, *marnāti, *sannāti, *swannāti
- *h₃-final roots: *ɸarnāti, *gnināti, *starnāti
- Semivowel-final aniṭ root: *kriniti, *klinutor
- Unknown laryngeal: *glinati, *linati, *barnati, *walnator
Preterite formations
There were two or three major preterite formations in Proto-Celtic, plus another moribund type.
- The s-preterite
- The reduplicated suffixless preterite (originating from the PIE reduplicated stative)
- The t-preterite
- The root aorist
The s-, t-, and root aorist preterites take Indo-European secondary endings, while the reduplicated suffix preterite took stative endings. These endings are:: 62–67
Person and number | Ending type | |
---|---|---|
Secondary endings | Stative endings | |
1st sg. | *-am | *-a |
2nd sg. | *-s | *-as |
3rd sg. | *-t | *-e |
1st pl. | *-mo(s) | *-mo |
2nd pl. | *-te(s) | *-te |
3rd pl. | *-ant | *-ar |
t-preterite
The Old Irish t-preterite was traditionally assumed to be a divergent evolution from the s-preterite, but that derivation was challenged by Jay Jasanoff, who alleges that they were instead imperfects of Narten presents. Either derivation requires Narten ablaut anyway, leading to a stem vowel i in the singular and e in the plural. The stem vowel in the t-preterite was leveled to *e if the next consonant was either velar or *m, and *i in front of *r or *l.
Suffixless preterites
Many suffixless preterite formations featured reduplication. The nature of the reduplication depends on the structure of the root.: 68–79
Root | Meaning | Shape | Preterite stem | Notes |
---|---|---|---|---|
*keng- | "to step" | Other root types | *ke-kong- | Classic Indo-European reduplication, where the root is put in the o-grade and the prefixed reduplicant is formed with the first consonant followed by *e. |
*nigʷ- | "to wash" | *C(R)eiT- | *ni-noig- | In Proto-Celtic, roots with a semivowel (PIE *-y- or *-w-) before a non-laryngeal consonant have the reduplicant formed not with the first consonant of the root followed by *e, but instead the first consonant of the root followed by the semivowel. The root itself remains in the o-grade. |
*duk- | "to lead, carry" | *C(R)euT- | *du-douk- | |
*gʷed- | "to pray" | *CeT- | *gʷād- | Roots ending in only a single stop as their coda generally merely change the stem vowel to *ā to form their preterite, without apparent reduplication. It originally spread from *ād- (from *h₁e-h₁od-), the preterite stem for *ed- "to eat". |
*kerd- | "to throw, put" | *CeRT- | *kard- | A few roots in *CeRT- also had the *CeT- preterite formation applied to them but the long *ā was shortened due to Osthoff's law. |
*dā- | "to give" | *C(C)eH- | *de-dū (singular) *ded(a)- (plural) | Laryngeal-final roots produced long vowels in the root syllable in the singular, but not in the plural (where the root was in the zero-grade instead). Usually the singular stem was generalized in Celtic, but in these cases the plural stem was generalized. |
*kʷri- | "to buy" | *C(R)eiH- | *kʷi-kʷr- | The treatment for *CeH- roots was also extended to *C(R)eiH- roots. Due to the roots' semivowel, the reduplicant also contains the semivowel. |
Future formations
One major formation of the future in Celtic, the s-future. It is a descendant of the Proto-Indo-European (h₁)se-desiderative, with i-reduplication in many verbs. The Old Irish a- and s-future come from here.
Another future formation, attested only in Gaulish, is the -sye-desiderative.
Subjunctive formations
Most verbs took one subjunctive suffix in Proto-Celtic, -(a)s-, followed by the thematic primary endings. It was a descendant of the subjunctive of an Indo-European sigmatic thematic formation *-seti. The -ase- variant originated in roots that ended in a laryngeal in Proto-Indo-European; when the *-se- suffix was attached right after a laryngeal, the laryngeal regularly vocalized into *-a-. It would then analogically spread to other Celtic strong verb roots ending in sonorants in addition to the weak verbs, even if the root did not originally end in a laryngeal.
There were also two, possibly three verbs that did not use -(a)se-, instead straight-out taking thematised primary endings. They are: *bwiyeti "to be, exist" (subjunctive *bweti), *klinutor "to hear" (subjunctive *klowetor), and possibly *ɸalnati “to approach, drive” (subjunctive *ɸeleti).
Primary subjunctive formations in Proto-Celtic generally use the e-grade of the verb root, even if the present stem uses the zero-grade.
Imperative formation
Imperative endings in Proto-Celtic were as follows:: 147–148
Person and number | Active endings | |
---|---|---|
Basic endings | With thematic vowels | |
2nd sg. | -∅, *-si | *-e |
3rd sg. | *-tou, *-tūd, *-tu | *-etou, *-etūd, *-etu |
1st pl. | *-mo(s) | *-omo(s) |
2nd pl. | *-te(s) | *-ete(s) |
3rd pl. | *-ntou, *-ntu | *-ontou, *-ontu |
Second-person singular imperative
The second-person singular imperative was generally endingless in the active; no ending was generally added to athematic verbs. On thematic -e/o- verbs, the imperative ended in thematic vowel *-e. However, there is also another second-person singular active imperative ending, -si, which was attached to the verb root athematically even with thematic strong verbs.
The thematic deponent second-person singular imperative ending was *-eso. The -the in Old Irish is secondary.: 140
Third-person imperative
The third-person imperative endings in Insular Celtic, Gaulish and Celtiberian have completely separate origins from each other. The Insular Celtic endings are derived from *-tou, *-ntou, Gaulish endings from *-tu, *-ntu, and the Celtiberian third-person imperative singular ending stems from *-tūd.
Example conjugations
Scholarly reconstructions may be summarised in tabular format.[dubious – discuss]
Person | Present | Imperfect | Future | Past | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Active | Medio- passive | Active | Medio- passive | Active | Medio- passive | Active | Medio- passive | ||
Indicative | 1st sg. | *berū | *berūr | *beremam | — | *bibrāsū | *bibrāsūr | *bīram | — |
2nd sg. | *beresi | *beretar | *beretās | — | *bibrāsesi | *bibrāsetar | *birs | — | |
3rd sg. | *bereti | *beretor | *bereto | — | *bibrāseti | *bibrāsetor | *birt | ? | |
1st pl. | *beromosi | *beromor | *beremo | — | *bibrāsomosi | *bibrāsomor | *berme | — | |
2nd pl. | *beretesi | *beredwe | ? | — | *bibrāsete | *bibrāsedwe | *berte | — | |
3rd pl. | *beronti | *berontor | *berento | — | *bibrāsonti | *bibrāsontor | *berant | ? | |
Subjunctive | 1st sg. | *berasū | *berasūr | — | — | — | — | — | — |
2nd sg. | *berasesi | *berasetar | — | — | — | — | — | — | |
3rd sg. | *beraseti | *berasetor | — | — | — | — | — | — | |
1st pl. | *berasomosi | *berasomor | — | — | — | — | — | — | |
2nd pl. | *berasetesi | *berasedwe | — | — | — | — | — | — | |
3rd pl. | *berasonti | *berasontor | — | — | — | — | — | — | |
Imperative | 2nd sg. | *bere | *bereso | — | — | — | — | — | — |
3rd sg. | *beretou | ? | — | — | — | — | — | — | |
1st pl. | *beromos | ? | — | — | — | — | — | — | |
2nd pl. | *berete | ? | — | — | — | — | — | — | |
3rd pl. | *berontou | ? | — | — | — | — | — | — | |
Participle | *beronts | *beromnos | — | — | — | — | *bertyos | *britos |
Copula
The copula *esti was irregular. It had both athematic and thematic conjugations in the present tense. Schrijver supposes that its athematic present was used clause-initially and the thematic conjugation was used when that was not the case.
Person | Present | |
---|---|---|
Athematic | Thematic | |
1st sg. | *esmi | *esū |
2nd sg. | *esi | *esesi |
3rd sg. | *esti | *eseti |
1st pl. | *esmosi | *esomosi |
2nd pl. | **estes | *esetes |
3rd pl. | *senti | **esonti |
Numerals
Numeral | PIE | PC |
---|---|---|
1 | *h₁óynos | *oinos |
2 | *dwóh₁ | *duwo |
3 | *tréyes | *trīs |
4 | *kʷetwóres | *kʷetwores |
5 | *pénkʷe | *kʷenkʷe |
6 | *swéḱs | *swexs |
7 | *septḿ̥ | *seɸtam > *sextam |
8 | *oḱtṓw | *oxtū |
9 | *h₁néwn̥ | *nowan |
10 | *déḱm̥ | *dekam |
20 | *wídḱm̥ti | *wikantī |
30 | *tridḱómt | *trīkontes |
100 | *ḱm̥tóm | *kantom |
Vocabulary
The vast majority of reliably reconstructible lexical items in Proto-Celtic have good Indo-European etymologies, unlike what is found in, for example, the Greek language—at least 90% according to Matasovic. These include most of the items on the Swadesh list of basic vocabulary. But a few words that do not have Indo-European cognates, so may be borrowings from substrate or adstrate Pre-Indo-European languages, are also from basic vocabulary, including *bodyo- ‘yellow’ (though this has possible cognates in Italic), *kani "good," and *klukka "stone." It is notable that fully 32 items have been reconstructed for Proto-Celtic with the meaning "fight."
Examples of morphology derivation from PIE
Two examples of verbs
(The following examples lack the dual plural and are conjugated in the present tense)
Pronoun | PIE | PC |
---|---|---|
1st Sg. | *bʰéroh₂ | *berū |
2nd Sg. | *bʰéresi | *beresi |
3rd Sg. | *bʰéreti | *bereti |
1st Pl. | *bʰéromos | *beromosi |
2nd Pl. | *bʰérete | *beretesi |
3rd Pl. | *bʰéronti | *beronti |
Pronoun | PIE | PC |
---|---|---|
1st Sg. | *h₁ésmi | *esmi |
2nd Sg. | *h₁ési | *esi |
3rd Sg. | *h₁ésti | *esti |
1st Pl. | *h₁smós | *esmosi |
2nd Pl. | *h₁sté | *estes |
3rd Pl. | *h₁sénti | *senti |
Examples of noun declension
(The following examples lack the dual number)
Masculine noun
Case | Singular | Plural | ||
---|---|---|---|---|
PIE | PC | PIE | PC | |
Nom. | *h₂ŕ̥tḱos | *artos | *h₂ŕ̥tḱoes | *artoi |
Voc. | *h₂ŕ̥tḱe | *arte | *h₂ŕ̥tḱoes | *artūs |
Acc. | *h₂ŕ̥tḱom | *artom | *h₂ŕ̥tḱoms | *artoms |
Gen. | *h₂ŕ̥tḱosyo | *artī | *h₂ŕ̥tḱoHom | *artom |
Dat. | *h₂ŕ̥tḱoey | *artūi | *h₂ŕ̥tḱomos | *artobos |
Loc. | *h₂ŕ̥tḱey | *artei | *h₂ŕ̥tḱoysu | ? |
Inst. | *h₂ŕ̥tḱoh₁ | *artū | *h₂ŕ̥tḱōys | *artūis |
Feminine noun
Case | Singular | Plural | ||
---|---|---|---|---|
PIE | PC | PIE | PC | |
Nom. | *ln̥dʰéh₂ | *landā | *ln̥dʰéh₂es | *landās |
Voc. | *ln̥dʰéh₂ | *landā | *ln̥dʰéh₂es | *landās |
Acc. | *ln̥dʰā́m | *landam | *ln̥dʰéh₂m̥s | *landāms |
Gen. | *ln̥dʰéh₂s | *landās | *ln̥dʰéh₂oHom | *landom |
Dat. | *ln̥dʰéh₂ey | *landāi | *ln̥dʰéh₂mos | *landābos |
Loc. | *ln̥dʰéh₂i | *landai | *ln̥dʰéh₂su | ? |
Inst. | *ln̥dʰéh₂h₁ | ? | *ln̥dʰéh₂mis | *landābis |
Neuter noun
Case | Singular | Plural | ||
---|---|---|---|---|
PIE | PC | PIE | PC | |
Nom. | *yugóm | *yugom | *yugéh₂ | *yugā |
Voc. | *yugóm | *yugom | *yugéh₂ | *yugā |
Acc. | *yugóm | *yugom | *yugéh₂ | *yugā |
Gen. | *yugósyo | *yugī | *yugóHom | *yugom |
Dat. | *yugóey | *yugūi | *yugómos | *yugobos |
Loc. | *yugéy | *yugei | *yugóysu | ? |
Inst. | *yugóh₁ | *yugū | *yugṓys | *yugūis |
An example of adjectival declension
(The following example lacks the dual number)
Case | Masculine | Feminine | Neuter | |||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
PIE | PC | PIE | PC | PIE | PC | |
Nom. | *h₂ḱrós | *akros | *h₂ḱréh₂ | *akrā | *h₂ḱróm | *akrom |
Voc. | *h₂ḱré | *akre | *h₂ḱréh₂ | *akrā | *h₂ḱróm | *akrom |
Acc. | *h₂ḱróm | *akrom | *h₂ḱrā́m | *akram | *h₂ḱróm | *akrom |
Gen. | *h₂ḱrósyo | *akrī | *h₂ḱréh₂s | *akrās | *h₂ḱrósyo | *akrī |
Dat. | *h₂ḱróey | *akrūi | *h₂ḱréh₂ey | *akrai | *h₂ḱróey | *akrūi |
Inst. | *h₂ḱróh₁ | *akrū | *h₂ḱréh₂h₁ | ? | *h₂ḱróh₁ | *akrū |
Case | Masculine | Feminine | Neuter | |||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
PIE | PC | PIE | PC | PIE | PC | |
Nom. | *h₂ḱróes | *akroi | *h₂ḱréh₂es | *akrās | *h₂ḱréh₂ | *akrā |
Voc. | *h₂ḱróes | *akroi | *h₂ḱréh₂es | *akrās | *h₂ḱréh₂ | *akrā |
Acc. | *h₂ḱróms | *akroms | *h₂ḱréh₂m̥s | *akrams | *h₂ḱréh₂ | *akrā |
Gen. | *h₂ḱróHom | *akrom | *h₂ḱréh₂oHom | *akrom | *h₂ḱróHom | *akrom |
Dat. | *h₂ḱrómos | *akrobos | *h₂ḱréh₂mos | *akrābos | *h₂ḱrómos | *akrobis |
Inst. | *h₂ḱrṓys | *akrobis | *h₂ḱréh₂mis | *akrābis | *h₂ḱrṓys | *akrobis |
Derivation of personal pronouns (nominative case) from PIE
No. | Pronoun | PIE | PC |
---|---|---|---|
Sg. | 1st | *éǵ > *me [acc.] | *mī |
2nd | *túh₂ | *tū | |
3rd M. | *ís | *se | |
3rd F. | *seh₂ > *sih₂ [*só + *-ih₂] | *sī | |
3rd N. | *íd | *ed | |
Pl. | 1st | *wéy > *nos [acc.] > *nēs | *snīs; *snīsnīs |
2nd | *yū́ > *wos [acc.] > *wēs | *swīs; *swīswīs | |
3rd | *éyes | *eyes |
See also
- Pre-Celtic
- Italo-Celtic
- Beaker culture
- Urnfield
- Hallstatt culture
- La Tène culture
- Goidelic substrate hypothesis
- Ligures
- Azilian
References
Notes
- Celtic literature at britannica.com, accessed 7 February 2018
- Rhys, John (1905). Evans, E. Vincent (ed.). "The Origin of the Welsh Englyn and Kindred Metres". Y Cymmrodor. XVIII. London: Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion.
- Koch, John T. (2020). Celto-Germanic Later Prehistory and Post-Proto-Indo-European vocabulary in the North and West Archived 2021-11-25 at the Wayback Machine, pp. 45–48.
- Schumacher, Stefan (2004). Die keltischen Primärverben. Ein vergleichendes, etymologisches und morphologisches Lexikon (in German). Innsbruck, Austria: Institut für Sprachen und Literaturen der Universität Innsbruck. p. 85. ISBN 3-85124-692-6.
- Schrijver, Peter (2016). "17. Ancillary study: Sound Change, the Italo-Celtic Linguistic Unity, and the Italian Homeland of Celtic". In Koch, John T.; Cunliffe, Barry (eds.). Celtic from the West 3: Atlantic Europe in the Metal Ages – Questions of Shared Language. Oxford, UK: Oxbow Books. pp. 489–502. ISBN 978-1-78570-227-3. Retrieved May 12, 2019.
- Matasović 2009.
- Schrijver 2015, pp. 196–197.
- Matasovic, R. (2009) Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic. Brill. p.7
- Salmon, Joseph (1992) Accentual Change and Language Contact Stanford UP
- Matasovic, R. (2009) Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic. Brill. pp.11–12
- Cólera, Carlos Jordán (2007) "Celtiberian," e-Keltoi: Journal of Interdisciplinary Celtic Studies: Vol. 6, Article 17. p.759. Available at: https://dc.uwm.edu/ekeltoi/vol6/iss1/17 accessed June 21, 2023
- Welsh adfer 'to restore' < *ate-ber-, cymeryd < obsolete cymer < M.W. cymeraf < *kom-ber- (with -yd taken from the verbal noun cymryd < *kom-britu).
- However, according to Hackstein (2002) *CH.CC > Ø in unstressed medial syllables. Thus, H can disappear in weak cases while being retained in strong cases, e.g. IE nom.sg. *dʰugh₂tḗr vs. gen.sg. *dʰugtr-os 'daughter' > early PC *dugater- ~ dugtr-. This then led to a paradigmatic split, resulting in Celtiberian gen.sg. tuateros, nom.pl. tuateres vs. Gaulish duxtir (< *dugtīr). (Zair 2012: 161, 163).
- Eska, Joseph F. (March 12, 2018). "Laryngeal Realism and the Prehistory of Celtic". Transactions of the Philological Society. 116 (3). Wiley: 320–331. doi:10.1111/1467-968x.12122. ISSN 0079-1636.
- Eska, Joseph (January 26, 2021). "Laryngeal Realism and early Insular Celtic orthography". North American Journal of Celtic Studies. 3 (1): 1–17. ISSN 2472-7490. Retrieved November 24, 2021.
- Pedersen, Holger (1913). Vergleichende Grammatik der keltischen Sprachen, 2. Band, Bedeutungslehre (Wortlehre). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. ISBN 978-3-525-26119-4.
- Untermann, J. (1967). "Die Endung des Genitiv singularis der o-Stämme im Keltiberischen." In W. Meid (ed.), Beiträge zur Indogermanistik und Keltologie, Julius Pokorny zum 80. Geburtstag gewidmet, pp. 281–288. Innsbruck: Sprachwissenschaftliches Institut der Universität Innsbruck.
- Stokes, Whitley (November 1887). "Celtic Declension". Transactions of the Philological Society. 20 (1): 97–201.
- McCone, Kim (2006). The Origins and Development of the Insular Celtic Verbal Complex. Maynooth studies in Celtic linguistics. Department of Old Irish, National University of Ireland. ISBN 978-0-901519-46-7.
- Thurneysen, Rudolf (1940). A Grammar of Old Irish. Translated by Binchy, D. A; Bergin, Osborn. Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies. ISBN 1-85500-161-6.
- Schrijver, Peter (1997). Studies in the History of Celtic Pronouns and Particles. Maynooth studies in Celtic linguistics. Department of Old Irish, National University of Ireland. ISBN 978-0-901519-59-7.
- Matasovic, R. Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic. Leiden: Brill. 2006. p. 436
- Stüber, Karin. "The morphology of Celtic". In Jared Klein; Brian Joseph; Matthias Fritz (eds.). Handbook of Comparative and Historical Indo-European Linguistics. Vol. 2. De Gruyter Mouton. pp. 1203–1217.
- Jasanoff, Jay (1991). "The origin of the Celtic comparative type OIr. tressa, MW trech 'stronger'". Die Sprache. 34: 171–189.
- Stefan Schumacher, Die keltischen Primärverben: Ein vergleichendes, etymologisches und morphologisches Lexikon (Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachen und Literaturen der Universität, 2004).
- Pierre-Yves Lambert, La langue gauloise: Description linguistique, commentaire d'inscriptions choisies (Paris: Errance, revised ed. 2003).
- Schumacher, Stefan; Schulze-Thulin, Britta; aan de Wiel, Caroline (2004). Die keltischen Primärverben. Ein vergleichendes, etymologisches und morphologisches Lexikon (in German). Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachen und Kulturen der Universität Innsbruck. ISBN 3-85124-692-6.
- Lambert, Pierre-Yves; Stifter, David (2012). "Le plomb gaulois de Rezé". Études Celtiques (in French and English). 38 (1): 139–164. doi:10.3406/ecelt.2012.2351. ISSN 0373-1928.
- McCone, Kim (1991). The Indo-European Origins of the Old Irish Nasal Presents, Subjunctives and Futures. Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft. IBS-Vertrieb. ISBN 978-3-85124-617-9.
- Jasanoff, Jay (2012). "Long-vowel preterites in Indo-European". In Melchert, Craig (ed.). The Indo-European Verb. Wiesbaden: Reichert Verlag. pp. 127–135.
- Darling, Mark (2020). The Subjunctive in Celtic: Studies in Historical Phonology and Morphology (Thesis). University of Cambridge. doi:10.17863/CAM.57857. Retrieved September 1, 2022.
- Jasanoff, Jay (1986). "Old Irish tair 'come!'". Transactions of the Philological Society. 84 (1). Wiley: 132–141. doi:10.1111/j.1467-968x.1986.tb01050.x. ISSN 0079-1636.
- Barnes, Timothy (2015). "Old Irish cuire, its congeners, and the ending of the 2nd sg. middle imperative". Ériu. 65 (1): 49–56. doi:10.3318/eriu.2015.65.3. ISSN 2009-0056. Retrieved September 2, 2022.
- Alexander MacBain, 1911, xxxvi–xxxvii; An etymological dictionary of the Gaelic language; Stirling: Eneas MacKay
- Alan Ward, A Checklist of Proto-Celtic Lexical Items (1982, revised 1996), 7–14.
- Examples of attested Gaulish verbs at https://www.angelfire.com/me/ik/gaulish.html
- Schrijver, Peter (December 6, 2019). "Italo-Celtic and the Inflection of *es- 'be'". In Serangeli, Matilde; Olander, Thomas (eds.). Dispersals and Diversification. Brill. pp. 209–235. doi:10.1163/9789004416192_012. ISBN 9789004414501. S2CID 213806505.
- Matasovic, R. (2009)Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic Leiden: Brill. p. 443
- Matasovic, R. (2009)Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic Leiden: Brill. p. 443-444
- English to Proto-Celtic Wordlist p. 44-45 https://www.wales.ac.uk/Resources/Documents/Research/CelticLanguages/EnglishProtoCelticWordList.pdf
Bibliography
- Cowgill, Warren (1975). "The origins of the Insular Celtic conjunct and absolute verbal endings". In H. Rix (ed.). Flexion und Wortbildung: Akten der V. Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, Regensburg, 9.–14. September 1973. Wiesbaden: Reichert. pp. 40–70.
- Evans, D. Simon (1964). A Grammar of Middle Welsh. Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies.
- Hackstein, Olav (2002). "Uridg. *CH.CC > *C.CC". Historische Sprachforschung. 115: 1–22.
- Lane, George S. (1933). "The Germano-Celtic Vocabulary". Language. 9 (3): 244–264. doi:10.2307/409353. JSTOR 409353.
- Matasović, Ranko (2009). Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic. Leiden Indo-European Etymological Dictionary Series, 9. Brill Academic Publishers. ISBN 978-90-04-17336-1.
- Matasović, Ranko (2011). Addenda et corrigenda to Ranko Matasović's Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic (PDF). Leiden Indo-European Etymological Dictionary Series, 9. Brill Academic Publishers.
- McCone, Kim (1996). Towards a Relative Chronology of Ancient and Medieval Celtic Sound Change. Maynooth: Department of Old and Middle Irish, St. Patrick's College. ISBN 978-0-901519-40-5.
- Pedersen, Holger (1913). Vergleichende Grammatik der keltischen Sprachen. 2. Band, Bedeutungslehre (Wortlehre). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. ISBN 978-3-525-26119-4.
- Schrijver, Peter (1994). "The Celtic adverbs for 'against' and 'with' and the early apocope of *-i". Ériu. 45: 151–89.
- Schrijver, Peter (1995). Studies in British Celtic Historical Phonology. Amsterdam: Rodopi. ISBN 978-90-5183-820-6.
- Schrijver, Peter (2015). "Pruners and trainers of the Celtic family tree: The rise and development of Celtic in light of language contact". Proceedings of the XIV International Congress of Celtic Studies, Maynooth 2011. Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies. pp. 191–219.
- Thurneysen, Rudolf (1946). A Grammar of Old Irish. Tr. D. A. Binchy and Osborn Bergin. Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies.
- Zair, Nicholas (2012). The Reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European Laryngeals in Celtic. Leiden: Brill.
External links
- Leiden University has compiled etymological dictionaries of various IE languages, a project supervised by Alexander Lubotsky.
Proto Celtic or Common Celtic is the hypothetical ancestral proto language of all known Celtic languages and a descendant of Proto Indo European It is not attested in writing but has been partly reconstructed through the comparative method Proto Celtic is generally thought to have been spoken between 1300 and 800 BC after which it began to split into different languages Proto Celtic is often associated with the Urnfield culture and particularly with the Hallstatt culture Celtic languages share common features with Italic languages that are not found in other branches of Indo European suggesting the possibility of an earlier Italo Celtic linguistic unity Proto CelticPC Common CelticReconstruction ofCeltic languagesRegionCentral or Western EuropeEraca 1300 800 BCReconstructed ancestorProto Indo European Proto Celtic is currently being reconstructed through the comparative method by relying on later Celtic languages Though Continental Celtic presents much substantiation for Proto Celtic phonology and some for its morphology recorded material is too scanty to allow a secure reconstruction of syntax though some complete sentences are recorded in the Continental Gaulish and Celtiberian So the main sources for reconstruction come from Insular Celtic languages with the oldest literature found in Old Irish and Middle Welsh dating back to authors flourishing in the 6th century AD DatingProto Celtic is usually dated to the Late Bronze Age ca 1200 900 BC The fact that it is possible to reconstruct a Proto Celtic word for iron traditionally reconstructed as isarnom has long been taken as an indication that the divergence into individual Celtic languages did not start until the Iron Age 8th century BC to 1st century BC otherwise descendant languages would have developed their own unrelated words for their metal However Schumacher and Schrijver suggest a date for Proto Celtic as early as the 13th century BC the time of the Canegrate culture in northwest Italy and the Urnfield culture in Central Europe implying that the divergence may have already started in the Bronze Age why Sound changes from Proto Indo EuropeanThe phonological changes from Proto Indo European PIE to Proto Celtic PC may be summarized as follows The changes are roughly in chronological order with changes that operate on the outcome of earlier ones appearing later in the list Late PIE These changes are shared by several other Indo European branches e is colored by an adjacent laryngeal consonant eh h e gt ah h a eh h e gt oh h o Palatovelars merge into the plain velars ḱ gt k ǵ gt g ǵʰ gt gʰ Epenthetic a is inserted after a syllabic sonorant if a laryngeal and another sonorant follow R HR gt RaHR Laryngeals are lost before a following vowel HV gt V following a vowel in syllables before the accent VHC gt VC following a vowel before a consonant or word finally resulting in compensatory lengthening thus VHC gt V C VH gt V between plosives in non initial syllables CHC gt CC Two adjacent dentals become two adjacent sibilants TT gt TsT gt ss Italo Celtic The following sound changes are shared with the Italic languages in particular and are cited in support of the Italo Celtic hypothesis long close vowels are shortened or a laryngeal is lost before resonant stressed vowel Note that something like Dybo s rule seems to have also operated in Germanic Old English wer lt wiHro iR iHR gt iR uR uHR gt uR Possibly post consonantal laryngeals are lost when before pre tonic close vowels CHiC gt CiC CHuC gt CuC Development of initial stress following the previous two changes But note that this seems to have been an areal feature shared for example with the Indo European Germanic languages and the non Indo European Etruscan language Possibly vocalization of laryngeals to i between a CR cluster and consonantal j CRHjV gt CRijV Syllabic laryngeals become a CHC gt CaC Syllabic resonants before a voiced unaspirated stop become Ra R D gt RaD m is assimilated or lost before a glide mj gt nj mw gt w p assimilates to kʷ when another kʷ follows later in the word p kʷ gt kʷ kʷ But Matasovic points out that A this change may have occurred late in Celtic B it seems not to have operated on some words in Irish and C a very similar assimilation though in reverse also occurred in Germanic One change shows non exact parallels in Italic vocalization of syllabic resonants next to laryngeals depending on the environment Similar developments appear in Italic but for the syllabic nasals m n the result is Proto Italic em en gt Latin em im en in Word initially HR C gt aRC Before voiceless stops CR HT gt CRaT CR HV gt CaRHV CR HC gt CRaCEarly PC Sequences of velar and w merge into the labiovelars it is uncertain if this preceded or followed the next change that is whether gw gt b or gw gt gʷ but Schumacher 2004 argues on p 372 that this change came first moreover it is also found in Proto Italic and thus arguably belongs to the previous section kw gt kʷ gw gt gʷ gʰw gt gʷʰ gʷ merges into b Aspirated stops lose their aspiration and merge with the voiced stops except that this counterfeeds the previous change so gʷʰ gt gʷ doesn t result in a merger that is the change gʷʰ gt gʷ must crucially happen after the sound change gʷ gt b has been completed bʰ gt b dʰ gt d gʰ gt g gʷʰ gt gʷ e before a resonant and a but not a becomes a as well eRa gt aRa ǵʰelH ro gt gelaro gt galaro gerH no gt gerano gt garano Joseph s rule Epenthetic i is inserted after syllabic liquids when followed by a plosive l T gt liT r T gt riT Epenthetic a is inserted before the remaining syllabic resonants m gt am n gt an l gt al r gt ar All remaining nonsyllabic laryngeals are lost e gt i ō gt u in final syllables Long vowels are shortened before a syllable final resonant V RC gt VRC this also shortens long diphthongs Osthoff s law Late PC Plosives become x before a different plosive or s C C gt xC Cs gt xs p gt b before liquids pL gt bL p gt w before nasals pN gt wN p gt ɸ except possibly after s ō gt a ey gt e but not in Celtiberian or Lepontic ew gt ow uwa gt owaExamples PIE PC ExamplePIE Proto Celtic Old Irish Welsh p ɸ ph tḗr ɸatir father athir edrydd cf home lt ɸatrijo t t treyes tris three tri tri k ḱ k kh n e ḱm tom kan o kantom sing hundred canaid cet kʲeːd canu cant kʷ kʷ kʷetwores kʷetwares four ceth a ir pedwar b b h ebōl abalom apple uball afal d d derḱ derk see derc eye drych sight g ǵ g gleh i ǵen u gli na genu to glue jaw glen a id giun gin he sticks fast mouth glynu gen adhere jaw gʷ b gʷenh bena woman ben O W ben bʰ b bʰere ber o carry berid he carries adfer cymeryd to restore to take dʰ d dʰeh i di na suck denait they suck dynu denu gʰ ǵʰ g gʰh bʰ e y ǵʰelH ro gab i galaro take sickness ga i bid galar he takes sickness gafael galar hold grief gʷʰ gʷ gʷʰn gʷan o kill wound gonaid he wounds slays gwanu stab s s sen o senos old sen hen m m meh ter matir mother mathir modryb cf aunt n n h nep ōt neɸuts nephew niad nai l l leyǵʰ lig e o lick ligid he licks llyo llyfu r r h reǵ s rigs king ri gen rig rhi j j h yuh n ḱos juwankos young oac ieuanc w w h wl h ti wlatis rulership flaith gwlad countryPIE PC ExamplePIE PC Old Irish Welsh a h e a h ep h ōn abu acc abonen river aub afon a eh a bʰreh ter bratir brother brathir brawd e h e e sen o senos old sen hen H between consonants a ph tḗr ɸatir father athir edrydd cf home e eh i weh ro wiros true fir gwir o Ho h e o Hroth o rotos wheel roth rhod ō eh in final syllable u h nep ōt neɸuts nephew niae naielsewhere a deh no dano gift dan dawn i i gʷih tu bitus world bith byd i iH i rimeh rima number rim rhif ai h ei eh i ai kaikos seh itlo kaikos saitlo blind age caech one eyed coeg hoedl empty one eyed age h ei ei eh i ei deywos deiwos god dia duw oi ōi h ei eh i oi oynos oinos one oen oin aen ain un u before wa o h yuh n ḱos juwankos gt jowankos young oac ieuancelsewhere u srutos srutos stream sruth ffrwd u uH u ruHneh runa mystery run rhin au h eu eh u au tausos tausos silent taue silence tausija taw h eu eu eh u ou ōu h eu eh u ou tewteh gʷeh u s touta bows people cow tuath bo tud M W bu biw l before stops li pl th nos ɸlitanos wide lethan llydanbefore other consonants al kl h kaljakos rooster cailech Ogham gen caliaci ceiliog r before stops ri bʰr ti briti act of bearing mind breth brith brydbefore other consonants ar mr wos marwos dead marb marw m am dm nh damna subdue M Ir damnaid he ties fastens binds n an h dn t dant tooth det dʲeːd dant l H before obstruents la h wlh ti wlatis lordship flaith gwlad countrybefore sonorants la pl Hmeh ɸlama hand lam llaw r H before obstruents ra mr Htom mratom betrayal mrath bradbefore sonorants ra ǵr Hnom granom grain gran grawn m H presumably with same distribution as above am ma dm h ye o damje o to tame daimid fodam daimid goddef endure suffer n H an na ǵn h to gnatos known gnath gnawd customaryPhonological reconstructionConsonants The following consonants have been reconstructed for Proto Celtic PC Manner Voicing Bilabial Alveolar Palatal Velar plain labializedPlosive voiceless t k kʷvoiced b d ɡ ɡʷFricative ɸ s xNasal m nApproximant l j wTrill rAllophones of plosives Eska has recently proposed that PC stops allophonically manifest similarly to those in English Voiceless stop phonemes t k were aspirated word initially except when preceded by s hence aspirate allophones tʰ kʰ And unaspirated voiced stops b d ɡ were devoiced to p t k word initially This allophony may be reconstructed to PC from the following evidence Modern Celtic languages like Welsh Breton and all modern Goidelic languages have such plosive aspiration and voice allophony already attested But there is no trace of this in Gaulish Several old Celtic languages such as Old Irish Old Welsh and Lepontic used letters for voiceless stop phonemes to write both voiceless stop phonemes and their voiced counterparts especially non word initially But in the case of Lepontic this is because the alphabet was derived from Etruscan which has no voice contrasts in plosives The Celtiberian Luzaga s Bronze has the curious spelling of an accusative determiner sdam where the d is clearly meant to spell t This implies that Celtiberian d had a voiceless allophone t Evolution of plosives Proto Indo European PIE voiced aspirate stops bʰ dʰ gʰ ǵʰ merge with b d g ǵ in PC The voiced aspirate labiovelar gʷʰ did not merge with gʷ though plain gʷ became PC b while aspirated gʷʰ became gʷ Thus PIE gʷen woman became Old Irish and Old Welsh ben but PIE gʷʰn to kill wound became Old Irish gonaid and Welsh gwanu PIE p is lost in PC apparently going through the stages ɸ possibly a stage pʰ and h perhaps seen in the name Hercynia if this is of Celtic origin before being completely lost word initially and between vowels Next to consonants PC ɸ underwent different changes the clusters ɸs and ɸt became xs and xt respectively already in PC PIE sp became Old Irish s f when lenited exactly as for PIE sw and Brythonic f while Schrijver 1995 p 348 argues there was an intermediate stage sɸ in which ɸ remained an independent phoneme until after Proto Insular Celtic had diverged into Goidelic and Brythonic McCone 1996 pp 44 45 finds it more economical to believe that sp remained unchanged in PC that is the change p to ɸ did not happen when s preceded Similarly Grimm s law did not apply to p t k after s in Germanic and the same exception occurred again in the High German consonant shift Proto Celtic Old Irish Welsh laɸs gt laxs shine las aid llach ar seɸtam gt sextam seven secht saith sɸeret or speret heel seir ffer In Gaulish and the Brittonic languages the Proto Indo European kʷ phoneme becomes a new p sound Thus Gaulish petuar ios Welsh pedwar four but Old Irish cethair and Latin quattuor Insofar as this new p fills the gap in the phoneme inventory which was left by the disappearance of the equivalent stop in PIE we may think of this as a chain shift The terms P Celtic and Q Celtic are useful for grouping Celtic languages based on the way they handle this one phoneme But a simple division into P Q Celtic may be untenable as it does not do justice to the evidence of the ancient Continental Celtic languages The many unusual shared innovations among the Insular Celtic languages are often also presented as evidence against a P vs Q Celtic division but they may instead reflect a common substratum influence from the pre Celtic languages of Britain and Ireland 1 or simply continuing contact between the insular languages in either case they would be irrelevant to the genetic classification of Celtic languages Q Celtic languages may also have p in loan words though in early borrowings from Welsh into Primitive Irish kʷ was used by sound substitution due to a lack of a p phoneme at the time Latin Patricius Saint Patrick gt Welsh gt Primitive Irish Qatricias gt Old Irish Cothrige later Padraig Latin presbyter priest gt early form of word seen in Old Welsh premter primter gt Primitive Irish qrimitir gt Old Irish cruimther Gaelic pog kiss was a later borrowing from the second word of the Latin phrase osculum pacis kiss of peace at a stage where p was borrowed directly as p without substituting c Vowels The PC vowel system is highly comparable to that reconstructed for PIE by Antoine Meillet The following monophthongs are reconstructed Type Front Central Back long short long short long short Close iː i uː uMid eː e oOpen aː a The following diphthongs have also been reconstructed Type With i With uWith a ai auWith o oi ouMorphologyNouns The morphological structure of nouns and adjectives demonstrates no arresting alterations from the parent language Proto Celtic is believed to have had nouns in three genders three numbers and five to eight cases The genders were masculine feminine and neuter the numbers were singular plural and dual The number of cases is a subject of contention while Old Irish may have only five the evidence from Continental Celtic is considered by whom rather unambiguous despite appeals to archaic retentions or morphological leveling These cases were nominative vocative accusative dative genitive ablative locative and instrumental Nouns fall into nine or so declensions depending on stem There are o stems a stems i stems u stems dental stems velar stems nasal stems r stems and s stems o stem nouns makkʷos son masculine Old Irish mac Welsh Cornish and Breton mab Case Singular Dual PluralNominative makkʷos makkʷou makkʷoiVocative makkʷe makkʷou makkʷusAccusative makkʷom makkʷou makkʷusGenitive makkʷi makkʷus makkʷomDative makkʷui makkʷobom makkʷobosAblative makkʷu makkʷobim makkʷobisInstrumental makkʷu makkʷobim makkʷusLocative makkʷei makkʷou makkʷobis However Celtiberian shows o stem genitives ending in o rather than i aualo son of Avalos Also note that the genitive singular does not match Proto Indo European s osyo which would have yielded osjo dunom stronghold neuter Case Singular Dual PluralNominative dunom dunou dunaVocative dunom dunou dunaAccusative dunom dunou dunaGenitive duni dunus dunomDative dunui dunobom dunobosAblative dunu dunobim dunobisInstrumental dunu dunobim dunusLocative dunei dunou dunobis As in the masculine paradigm the genitive singular does not match Proto Indo European s osyo which would have yielded osjo a stem nouns E g ɸlama hand feminine Old Irish lam Welsh llaw Cornish leuv Old Breton lom Case Singular Dual PluralNominative ɸlama ɸlamai ɸlamasVocative ɸlama ɸlamai ɸlamasAccusative ɸlamam ɸlamai ɸlamasGenitive ɸlamas ɸlamajous ɸlamomDative ɸlamai ɸlamabom ɸlamabosAblative ɸlami ɸlamabim ɸlamabisInstrumental ɸlami ɸlamabim ɸlamabisLocative ɸlamai ɸlamabim ɸlamabis i stems E g sulis sight view eye feminine Brittonic sulis Old Irish suil Case Singular Dual PluralNominative sulis suli sulisVocative suli suli sulisAccusative sulim suli sulisGenitive suleis suljous suljomDative sulei sulibom sulibosAblative suli sulibim sulibisInstrumental suli sulibim sulibisLocative suli sulibim sulibis E g mori body of water sea neuter Gaulish Mori Old Irish muir Welsh mor Case Singular Dual PluralNominative mori mori moryaVocative mori mori moryaAccusative mori mori moryaGenitive moreis moryous moryomDative morei moribom moribosAblative mori moribim moribisInstrumental mori moribim moribisLocative mori moribim moribis u stem nouns E g bitus world existence masculine Gaulish Bitu Old Irish bith Welsh byd Breton bed Case Singular Dual PluralNominative bitus bitou bitowesVocative bitu bitou bitowesAccusative bitum bitou bitusGenitive bitous bitowou bitowomDative bitou bitubom bitubosAblative bitu bitubim bitubisInstrumental bitu bitubim bitubisLocative bitu bitubim bitubis E g beru rotisserie spit neuter Case Singular Dual PluralNominative beru berou berwaVocative beru berou berwaAccusative beru berou berwaGenitive berous berowou berowomDative berou berubom berubosAblative beru berubim berubisInstrumental beru berubim berubisLocative beru berubim berubisVelar and dental stems Before the s of the nominative singular a velar consonant was fricated to x rig king gt rixs Likewise final d devoiced to t druwid druid gt druwits E g rixs king masculine Case Singular Dual PluralNominative rixs rige rigesVocative rixs rige rigesAccusative rigam rige rigasGenitive rigos rigou rigomDative rigei rigobom rigobosAblative rigi rigobim rigobisInstrumental rige rigobim rigobisLocative rigi rigobim rigobis E g druwits druid masculine Case Singular Dual PluralNominative druwits druwide druwidesVocative druwits druwide druwidesAccusative druwidem druwide druwidasGenitive druwidos druwidou druwidomDative druwidei druwidobom druwidobosAblative druwidi druwidobim druwidobisInstrumental druwide druwidobim druwidobisLocative druwidi druwidobim druwidobis E g karants friend masculine Case Singular Dual PluralNominative karants karante karantesVocative karants karante karantesAccusative karantam karante karantasGenitive karantos karantou karantomDative karantei karantobom karantobosAblative karanti karantobim karantobisInstrumental karante karantobim karantobisLocative karanti karantobim karantobisNasal stems Generally nasal stems end in on this becomes u in the nominative singular abon river gt abu E g abu river feminine Case Singular Dual PluralNominative abu abone abonesVocative abu abone abonesAccusative abonam abone abonasGenitive abonos abonou abonomDative abonei abnobom abnobosAblative aboni abnobim abnobisInstrumental abone abnobim abnobisLocative aboni abnobim abnobis E g anman name neuter Case Singular Dual PluralNominative anman anmani anmanaVocative anman anmani anmanaAccusative anman anmani anmanaGenitive anmes anmanou anmanomDative anmanei anmambom anmambosAblative anmani anmambim anmambisInstrumental anmane anmambim anmambisLocative anmani anmambim anmambis s stem nouns Generally s stems contain an es which becomes os in the nominative singular teges house gt tegos E g tegos house neuter Case Singular Dual PluralNominative tegos tegese tegesaVocative tegos tegese tegesaAccusative tegos tegese tegesaGenitive tegesos tegesou tegesomDative tegesi tegesobom tegesobosAblative tegesi tegesobim tegesobisInstrumental tegese tegesobim tegesobisLocative tegesi tegesobim tegesobis r stem nouns r stems are rare and principally confined to names of relatives Typically they end in ter which becomes tir in the nominative and tr in all other cases aside from the accusative ɸater father gt ɸatir ɸatros E g ɸatir father masculine Case Singular Dual PluralNominative ɸatir ɸatere ɸateresVocative ɸatir ɸatere ɸateresAccusative ɸateram ɸatere ɸaterasGenitive ɸatros ɸatrou ɸatromDative ɸatrei ɸatrebom ɸatrebosAblative ɸatri ɸatrebim ɸatrebisInstrumental ɸatre ɸatrebim ɸatrebisLocative ɸatri ɸatrebim ɸatrebis E g matir mother feminine Case Singular Dual PluralNominative matir matere materesVocative matir matere materesAccusative materam matere materasGenitive matros matrou matromDative matrei matrebom matrebosAblative matri matrebim matrebisInstrumental matre matrebim matrebisLocative matri matrebim matrebisPronouns The following personal pronouns in Celtic can be reconstructed as follows 220 221 281 Case First person Second personSingular Plural Singular PluralNominative mi sni tu swiAccusative me snos tu swesGenitive mene towe Remade as mu in the prehistory of Irish by analogy to tu Remade as mowe in the prehistory of Irish by analogy to towe The following third person pronouns in Proto Celtic may also be reconstructed 62 220 Case Singular PluralMasculine Feminine NeuterNominative es es si ed eyesAccusative em seyam sim susGenitive esyo esyas esyo esom esom Dative Instrumental Locative e s yōi esyai e s yōi ebis Forms of the masculine singular relative pronoun yo can be found in the first Botorrita plaque The form io s in line 10 is the nominative singular masculine of the relative pronoun from Proto Indo European yo Sanskrit ya Greek hos which shows up in Old Irish only as the aspiration for leniting relative verb forms Line 7 has the accusative singular io m and the dative singular io mui of the same root Adjectives Adjectives in Proto Celtic had positive comparative superlative and equative degrees of comparison Positive degree inflection classes Four inflection classes for positive degree adjectives are known Most adjectives belonged to the o a class in which the adjectives inflected like masculine o stems neuter o stems and feminine a stems when agreeing with nouns of their respective genders A much smaller minority of adjectives were i and u stems Consonant stem adjectives also existed but were vanishingly rare with only relics in Old Irish like te hot lt teɸents Comparative degree The comparative degree was formed on most adjectives by attaching yus to the adjective stem For instance senos old would have a comparative senyus older However some Caland system adjectives instead had a comparative ending in is which was then extended to ais For example ɸlitanos wide had a comparative ɸletais Superlative degree The superlative was formed by simply attaching isamos to the adjective stem In some adjectives where the stem ends in s the suffix is truncated to s amos by haplology Thus senos old would have a superlative senisamos oldest but trexsnos stem trexs would have a superlative trexsamos Verbs From comparison between early Old Irish and Gaulish forms it seems that Continental and Insular Celtic verbs developed differently and so the study of Irish and Welsh may have unduly weighted past opinion of Proto Celtic verb morphology citation needed It can be inferred from Gaulish and Celtiberian as well as Insular Celtic that the Proto Celtic verb had at least three moods indicative seen in e g 1st sg Gaulish delgu I hold Old Irish tongu I swear imperative seen in e g 3rd sg Celtiberian usabituz Gaulish appisetu subjunctive seen in e g 3rd sg Gaulish buetid may he be Celtiberian asekati and four tenses present seen in e g Gaulish uediiu mi I pray Celtiberian zizonti they sow preterite seen in e g 3rd sg Gaulish sioxti Lepontic KariTe imperfect perhaps in Celtiberian kombalkez atibion future seen in e g 3rd sg Gaulish bissiet Old Irish bieid he shall be A probable optative mood also features in Gaulish tixsintor and an infinitive with a characteristic ending unei in Celtiberian Verbs were formed by adding suffixes to a verbal stem The stem might be thematic or athematic an open or a closed syllable Primary endings The primary endings in Proto Celtic were as follows They were used to form the present future and subjunctive conjugations Proto Celtic primary endings Person and number Basic endings Thematic presentActive Mediopassive Active Mediopassive1st sg u thematic mi athematic ur u ur2nd sg si tar esi etar3rd sg ti tor eti etor1st pl mosi mor omosi omor2nd pl tesi dwe etesi edwe3rd pl nti ntor onti ontorPresent stem formations Proto Celtic possessed a diverse set of ways to form present stems They can be roughly be divided into two broad categories of athematic and thematic Thematic verbs feature a connecting vowel between the present stem and the basic primary endings This vowel is o in the first person and third person plural and e in the third person singular and second person forms The first person singular of these verbs end in u Athematic verbs feature no such connecting vowel and their 1st person singular forms end in mi instead of u These two inflectional categories can themselves be subdivided based on the means of derivation from a verb root via a combination of root ablaut grades and suffixes These derivational classes include 36 47 Derivational classes of Proto Celtic verbs Inflectional class Root ablaut Affix Class KPV designationThematic e grade none Simple thematic A 1 ye e grade ye A 5 de e grade de A 6o grade i eyo eye causative iterative none zero grade none Thematized root athematic A 2tudati type thematic ske ske inchoative A 3 ye zero grade ye A 4Nasal infix Aniṭ root nasal infix A 8i reduplication i reduplicated present A 15 varied aye Denominative none Athematic e grade none CeRH root present A 13zero grade na when levelled seṭ root nasal infix A 8 nu new present A 10 i essive A 7 varied a factitive none Nasal infix presents In Proto Celtic the Indo European nasal infix presents split into two categories ones originally derived from laryngeal final roots i e seṭ roots in Sanskrit and ones that were not i e from aniṭ roots In seṭ verbs the nasal appears at the end of the present stem while in aniṭ derived verbs the nasal was followed by a root final stop generally g in Old Irish To aniṭ roots Aniṭ nasal infix verbs conjugated exactly like basic thematic verbs in the present tense However the origin of the invariant root vowel in o in CewC roots in Old Irish is unclear Usually it is held that the consonantism in these verbs was generalized in favour of the plural stem CunC in Old Irish One would expect alternation between o in the 1st and 3rd person plural and u elsewhere in the present but for both contexts Old Irish only attests o The following verbs can be reconstructed in this class To CeyC roots dingeti grindeti indeti linkʷeti Double nasal presents ganndeti glanndeti skanndeti To CewC roots bundeti bungeti dlungeti exsstungeti lungeti rundeti slunketi tungeti unketi Others annketi dringetiTo seṭ roots On the other hand the seṭ presents originally had a long vowel after the nasal in the singular and a after the nasal in the plural but the attested Celtic languages levelled this alternation away Gaulish shows traces of the singular long vowel vocalism while Old Irish generalized the plural a to the singular The seṭ nasal infix presents were further subdivided into subcategories based on the root final laryngeal Traditionally two subclasses have long been accepted the h subclass cited with a ni suffix and h cited with a na suffix h nasal infixed verbs were often leveled to act like h verbs being also cited with a na suffix the only original difference between the two would have been the 3rd person plural ending in nonti instead of nanti The nasal infix seṭ verbs in Proto Celtic underwent multiple levelings First the suffixal vowel in the plural forms was harmonized so that they would all be the short counterpart to the vowel in the singular forms Then all the long vowels in the singular were shortened to make the suffix vowel identical in quality and length across all person number combinations 11 23 Evolution of Proto Celtic ablaut in the nasal infix for seṭ roots Person and number Pre leveling Leveling of vowel quality Leveling of vowel length h verbs h verbs h verbs h verbs h and h verbs h verbs h and h verbs1st sg nimi nami nami nimi nami nimi nami2nd sg nisi nasi nasi nisi nasi nisi nasi3rd sg niti nati nati niti nati niti nati1st pl namosi namosi namosi nimosi namosi nimosi namosi2nd pl natesi natesi natesi nitesi natesi nitesi natesi3rd pl nenti nanti nonti ninti nanti ninti nanti The following seṭ root nasal presents are reconstructible for Proto Celtic h final roots ni relics balniti tiniti dalniti Converted to na before Old Irish diniti winiti kʷalniti h subclass kʷrinati rinati damnati binati tlinati ɸalnati marnati sannati swannati h final roots ɸarnati gninati starnati Semivowel final aniṭ root kriniti klinutor Unknown laryngeal glinati linati barnati walnatorPreterite formations There were two or three major preterite formations in Proto Celtic plus another moribund type The s preterite The reduplicated suffixless preterite originating from the PIE reduplicated stative The t preterite The root aorist The s t and root aorist preterites take Indo European secondary endings while the reduplicated suffix preterite took stative endings These endings are 62 67 Proto Celtic preterite endings Person and number Ending typeSecondary endings Stative endings1st sg am a2nd sg s as3rd sg t e1st pl mo s mo2nd pl te s te3rd pl ant art preterite The Old Irish t preterite was traditionally assumed to be a divergent evolution from the s preterite but that derivation was challenged by Jay Jasanoff who alleges that they were instead imperfects of Narten presents Either derivation requires Narten ablaut anyway leading to a stem vowel i in the singular and e in the plural The stem vowel in the t preterite was leveled to e if the next consonant was either velar or m and i in front of r or l Suffixless preterites Many suffixless preterite formations featured reduplication The nature of the reduplication depends on the structure of the root 68 79 Proto Celtic suffixless preterites Root Meaning Shape Preterite stem Notes keng to step Other root types ke kong Classic Indo European reduplication where the root is put in the o grade and the prefixed reduplicant is formed with the first consonant followed by e nigʷ to wash C R eiT ni noig In Proto Celtic roots with a semivowel PIE y or w before a non laryngeal consonant have the reduplicant formed not with the first consonant of the root followed by e but instead the first consonant of the root followed by the semivowel The root itself remains in the o grade duk to lead carry C R euT du douk gʷed to pray CeT gʷad Roots ending in only a single stop as their coda generally merely change the stem vowel to a to form their preterite without apparent reduplication It originally spread from ad from h e h od the preterite stem for ed to eat kerd to throw put CeRT kard A few roots in CeRT also had the CeT preterite formation applied to them but the long a was shortened due to Osthoff s law da to give C C eH de du singular ded a plural Laryngeal final roots produced long vowels in the root syllable in the singular but not in the plural where the root was in the zero grade instead Usually the singular stem was generalized in Celtic but in these cases the plural stem was generalized kʷri to buy C R eiH kʷi kʷr The treatment for CeH roots was also extended to C R eiH roots Due to the roots semivowel the reduplicant also contains the semivowel Future formations One major formation of the future in Celtic the s future It is a descendant of the Proto Indo European h se desiderative with i reduplication in many verbs The Old Irish a and s future come from here Another future formation attested only in Gaulish is the sye desiderative Subjunctive formations Most verbs took one subjunctive suffix in Proto Celtic a s followed by the thematic primary endings It was a descendant of the subjunctive of an Indo European sigmatic thematic formation seti The ase variant originated in roots that ended in a laryngeal in Proto Indo European when the se suffix was attached right after a laryngeal the laryngeal regularly vocalized into a It would then analogically spread to other Celtic strong verb roots ending in sonorants in addition to the weak verbs even if the root did not originally end in a laryngeal There were also two possibly three verbs that did not use a se instead straight out taking thematised primary endings They are bwiyeti to be exist subjunctive bweti klinutor to hear subjunctive klowetor and possibly ɸalnati to approach drive subjunctive ɸeleti Primary subjunctive formations in Proto Celtic generally use the e grade of the verb root even if the present stem uses the zero grade Imperative formation Imperative endings in Proto Celtic were as follows 147 148 Imperative endings in Proto Celtic Person and number Active endingsBasic endings With thematic vowels2nd sg si e3rd sg tou tud tu etou etud etu1st pl mo s omo s 2nd pl te s ete s 3rd pl ntou ntu ontou ontuSecond person singular imperative The second person singular imperative was generally endingless in the active no ending was generally added to athematic verbs On thematic e o verbs the imperative ended in thematic vowel e However there is also another second person singular active imperative ending si which was attached to the verb root athematically even with thematic strong verbs The thematic deponent second person singular imperative ending was eso The the in Old Irish is secondary 140 Third person imperative The third person imperative endings in Insular Celtic Gaulish and Celtiberian have completely separate origins from each other The Insular Celtic endings are derived from tou ntou Gaulish endings from tu ntu and the Celtiberian third person imperative singular ending stems from tud Example conjugations Scholarly reconstructions may be summarised in tabular format dubious discuss Conjugation like bere o bear carry flow Person Present Imperfect Future PastActive Medio passive Active Medio passive Active Medio passive Active Medio passiveIndicative 1st sg beru berur beremam bibrasu bibrasur biram 2nd sg beresi beretar beretas bibrasesi bibrasetar birs 3rd sg bereti beretor bereto bibraseti bibrasetor birt 1st pl beromosi beromor beremo bibrasomosi bibrasomor berme 2nd pl beretesi beredwe bibrasete bibrasedwe berte 3rd pl beronti berontor berento bibrasonti bibrasontor berant Subjunctive 1st sg berasu berasur 2nd sg berasesi berasetar 3rd sg beraseti berasetor 1st pl berasomosi berasomor 2nd pl berasetesi berasedwe 3rd pl berasonti berasontor Imperative 2nd sg bere bereso 3rd sg beretou 1st pl beromos 2nd pl berete 3rd pl berontou Participle beronts beromnos bertyos britosCopula The copula esti was irregular It had both athematic and thematic conjugations in the present tense Schrijver supposes that its athematic present was used clause initially and the thematic conjugation was used when that was not the case Conjugation of esti in Proto Celtic Person PresentAthematic Thematic1st sg esmi esu2nd sg esi esesi3rd sg esti eseti1st pl esmosi esomosi2nd pl estes esetes3rd pl senti esontiNumeralsNumeral PIE PC1 h oynos oinos2 dwoh duwo3 treyes tris4 kʷetwores kʷetwores5 penkʷe kʷenkʷe6 sweḱs swexs7 septḿ seɸtam gt sextam8 oḱtṓw oxtu9 h newn nowan10 deḱm dekam20 widḱm ti wikanti30 tridḱomt trikontes100 ḱm tom kantomVocabularyThe vast majority of reliably reconstructible lexical items in Proto Celtic have good Indo European etymologies unlike what is found in for example the Greek language at least 90 according to Matasovic These include most of the items on the Swadesh list of basic vocabulary But a few words that do not have Indo European cognates so may be borrowings from substrate or adstrate Pre Indo European languages are also from basic vocabulary including bodyo yellow though this has possible cognates in Italic kani good and klukka stone It is notable that fully 32 items have been reconstructed for Proto Celtic with the meaning fight Examples of morphology derivation from PIETwo examples of verbs The following examples lack the dual plural and are conjugated in the present tense To bear carry Pronoun PIE PC1st Sg bʰeroh beru2nd Sg bʰeresi beresi3rd Sg bʰereti bereti1st Pl bʰeromos beromosi2nd Pl bʰerete beretesi3rd Pl bʰeronti beronti To be athematic version Pronoun PIE PC1st Sg h esmi esmi2nd Sg h esi esi3rd Sg h esti esti1st Pl h smos esmosi2nd Pl h ste estes3rd Pl h senti sentiExamples of noun declension The following examples lack the dual number Masculine noun Bear Case Singular PluralPIE PC PIE PCNom h ŕ tḱos artos h ŕ tḱoes artoiVoc h ŕ tḱe arte h ŕ tḱoes artusAcc h ŕ tḱom artom h ŕ tḱoms artomsGen h ŕ tḱosyo arti h ŕ tḱoHom artomDat h ŕ tḱoey artui h ŕ tḱomos artobosLoc h ŕ tḱey artei h ŕ tḱoysu Inst h ŕ tḱoh artu h ŕ tḱōys artuisFeminine noun Open land Case Singular PluralPIE PC PIE PCNom ln dʰeh landa ln dʰeh es landasVoc ln dʰeh landa ln dʰeh es landasAcc ln dʰa m landam ln dʰeh m s landamsGen ln dʰeh s landas ln dʰeh oHom landomDat ln dʰeh ey landai ln dʰeh mos landabosLoc ln dʰeh i landai ln dʰeh su Inst ln dʰeh h ln dʰeh mis landabisNeuter noun Yoke Case Singular PluralPIE PC PIE PCNom yugom yugom yugeh yugaVoc yugom yugom yugeh yugaAcc yugom yugom yugeh yugaGen yugosyo yugi yugoHom yugomDat yugoey yugui yugomos yugobosLoc yugey yugei yugoysu Inst yugoh yugu yugṓys yuguisAn example of adjectival declension The following example lacks the dual number High Singular Case Masculine Feminine NeuterPIE PC PIE PC PIE PCNom h ḱros akros h ḱreh akra h ḱrom akromVoc h ḱre akre h ḱreh akra h ḱrom akromAcc h ḱrom akrom h ḱra m akram h ḱrom akromGen h ḱrosyo akri h ḱreh s akras h ḱrosyo akriDat h ḱroey akrui h ḱreh ey akrai h ḱroey akruiInst h ḱroh akru h ḱreh h h ḱroh akru High Plural Case Masculine Feminine NeuterPIE PC PIE PC PIE PCNom h ḱroes akroi h ḱreh es akras h ḱreh akraVoc h ḱroes akroi h ḱreh es akras h ḱreh akraAcc h ḱroms akroms h ḱreh m s akrams h ḱreh akraGen h ḱroHom akrom h ḱreh oHom akrom h ḱroHom akromDat h ḱromos akrobos h ḱreh mos akrabos h ḱromos akrobisInst h ḱrṓys akrobis h ḱreh mis akrabis h ḱrṓys akrobisDerivation of personal pronouns nominative case from PIE No Pronoun PIE PCSg 1st eǵ gt me acc mi2nd tuh tu3rd M is se3rd F seh gt sih so ih si3rd N id edPl 1st wey gt nos acc gt nes snis snisnis2nd yu gt wos acc gt wes swis swiswis3rd eyes eyesSee alsoPre Celtic Italo Celtic Beaker culture Urnfield Hallstatt culture La Tene culture Goidelic substrate hypothesis Ligures AzilianReferencesNotes Celtic literature at britannica com accessed 7 February 2018 Rhys John 1905 Evans E Vincent ed The Origin of the Welsh Englyn and Kindred Metres Y Cymmrodor XVIII London Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion Koch John T 2020 Celto Germanic Later Prehistory and Post Proto Indo European vocabulary in the North and West Archived 2021 11 25 at the Wayback Machine pp 45 48 Schumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltischen Primarverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und morphologisches Lexikon in German Innsbruck Austria Institut fur Sprachen und Literaturen der Universitat Innsbruck p 85 ISBN 3 85124 692 6 Schrijver Peter 2016 17 Ancillary study Sound Change the Italo Celtic Linguistic Unity and the Italian Homeland of Celtic In Koch John T Cunliffe Barry eds Celtic from the West 3 Atlantic Europe in the Metal Ages Questions of Shared Language Oxford UK Oxbow Books pp 489 502 ISBN 978 1 78570 227 3 Retrieved May 12 2019 Matasovic 2009 Schrijver 2015 pp 196 197 Matasovic R 2009 Etymological Dictionary of Proto Celtic Brill p 7 Salmon Joseph 1992 Accentual Change and Language Contact Stanford UP Matasovic R 2009 Etymological Dictionary of Proto Celtic Brill pp 11 12 Colera Carlos Jordan 2007 Celtiberian e Keltoi Journal of Interdisciplinary Celtic Studies Vol 6 Article 17 p 759 Available at https dc uwm edu ekeltoi vol6 iss1 17 accessed June 21 2023 Welsh adfer to restore lt ate ber cymeryd lt obsolete cymer lt M W cymeraf lt kom ber with yd taken from the verbal noun cymryd lt kom britu However according to Hackstein 2002 CH CC gt O in unstressed medial syllables Thus H can disappear in weak cases while being retained in strong cases e g IE nom sg dʰugh tḗr vs gen sg dʰugtr os daughter gt early PC dugater dugtr This then led to a paradigmatic split resulting in Celtiberian gen sg tuateros nom pl tuateres vs Gaulish duxtir lt dugtir Zair 2012 161 163 Eska Joseph F March 12 2018 Laryngeal Realism and the Prehistory of Celtic Transactions of the Philological Society 116 3 Wiley 320 331 doi 10 1111 1467 968x 12122 ISSN 0079 1636 Eska Joseph January 26 2021 Laryngeal Realism and early Insular Celtic orthography North American Journal of Celtic Studies 3 1 1 17 ISSN 2472 7490 Retrieved November 24 2021 Pedersen Holger 1913 Vergleichende Grammatik der keltischen Sprachen 2 Band Bedeutungslehre Wortlehre Gottingen Vandenhoeck amp Ruprecht ISBN 978 3 525 26119 4 Untermann J 1967 Die Endung des Genitiv singularis der o Stamme im Keltiberischen In W Meid ed Beitrage zur Indogermanistik und Keltologie Julius Pokorny zum 80 Geburtstag gewidmet pp 281 288 Innsbruck Sprachwissenschaftliches Institut der Universitat Innsbruck Stokes Whitley November 1887 Celtic Declension Transactions of the Philological Society 20 1 97 201 McCone Kim 2006 The Origins and Development of the Insular Celtic Verbal Complex Maynooth studies in Celtic linguistics Department of Old Irish National University of Ireland ISBN 978 0 901519 46 7 Thurneysen Rudolf 1940 A Grammar of Old Irish Translated by Binchy D A Bergin Osborn Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies ISBN 1 85500 161 6 Schrijver Peter 1997 Studies in the History of Celtic Pronouns and Particles Maynooth studies in Celtic linguistics Department of Old Irish National University of Ireland ISBN 978 0 901519 59 7 Matasovic R Etymological Dictionary of Proto Celtic Leiden Brill 2006 p 436 Stuber Karin The morphology of Celtic In Jared Klein Brian Joseph Matthias Fritz eds Handbook of Comparative and Historical Indo European Linguistics Vol 2 De Gruyter Mouton pp 1203 1217 Jasanoff Jay 1991 The origin of the Celtic comparative type OIr tressa MW trech stronger Die Sprache 34 171 189 Stefan Schumacher Die keltischen Primarverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und morphologisches Lexikon Innsbruck Institut fur Sprachen und Literaturen der Universitat 2004 Pierre Yves Lambert La langue gauloise Description linguistique commentaire d inscriptions choisies Paris Errance revised ed 2003 Schumacher Stefan Schulze Thulin Britta aan de Wiel Caroline 2004 Die keltischen Primarverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und morphologisches Lexikon in German Innsbruck Institut fur Sprachen und Kulturen der Universitat Innsbruck ISBN 3 85124 692 6 Lambert Pierre Yves Stifter David 2012 Le plomb gaulois de Reze Etudes Celtiques in French and English 38 1 139 164 doi 10 3406 ecelt 2012 2351 ISSN 0373 1928 McCone Kim 1991 The Indo European Origins of the Old Irish Nasal Presents Subjunctives and Futures Innsbrucker Beitrage zur Sprachwissenschaft IBS Vertrieb ISBN 978 3 85124 617 9 Jasanoff Jay 2012 Long vowel preterites in Indo European In Melchert Craig ed The Indo European Verb Wiesbaden Reichert Verlag pp 127 135 Darling Mark 2020 The Subjunctive in Celtic Studies in Historical Phonology and Morphology Thesis University of Cambridge doi 10 17863 CAM 57857 Retrieved September 1 2022 Jasanoff Jay 1986 Old Irish tair come Transactions of the Philological Society 84 1 Wiley 132 141 doi 10 1111 j 1467 968x 1986 tb01050 x ISSN 0079 1636 Barnes Timothy 2015 Old Irish cuire its congeners and the ending of the 2nd sg middle imperative Eriu 65 1 49 56 doi 10 3318 eriu 2015 65 3 ISSN 2009 0056 Retrieved September 2 2022 Alexander MacBain 1911 xxxvi xxxvii An etymological dictionary of the Gaelic language Stirling Eneas MacKay Alan Ward A Checklist of Proto Celtic Lexical Items 1982 revised 1996 7 14 Examples of attested Gaulish verbs at https www angelfire com me ik gaulish html Schrijver Peter December 6 2019 Italo Celtic and the Inflection of es be In Serangeli Matilde Olander Thomas eds Dispersals and Diversification Brill pp 209 235 doi 10 1163 9789004416192 012 ISBN 9789004414501 S2CID 213806505 Matasovic R 2009 Etymological Dictionary of Proto Celtic Leiden Brill p 443 Matasovic R 2009 Etymological Dictionary of Proto Celtic Leiden Brill p 443 444 English to Proto Celtic Wordlist p 44 45 https www wales ac uk Resources Documents Research CelticLanguages EnglishProtoCelticWordList pdf Bibliography Cowgill Warren 1975 The origins of the Insular Celtic conjunct and absolute verbal endings In H Rix ed Flexion und Wortbildung Akten der V Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft Regensburg 9 14 September 1973 Wiesbaden Reichert pp 40 70 Evans D Simon 1964 A Grammar of Middle Welsh Dublin Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies Hackstein Olav 2002 Uridg CH CC gt C CC Historische Sprachforschung 115 1 22 Lane George S 1933 The Germano Celtic Vocabulary Language 9 3 244 264 doi 10 2307 409353 JSTOR 409353 Matasovic Ranko 2009 Etymological Dictionary of Proto Celtic Leiden Indo European Etymological Dictionary Series 9 Brill Academic Publishers ISBN 978 90 04 17336 1 Matasovic Ranko 2011 Addenda et corrigenda to Ranko Matasovic s Etymological Dictionary of Proto Celtic PDF Leiden Indo European Etymological Dictionary Series 9 Brill Academic Publishers McCone Kim 1996 Towards a Relative Chronology of Ancient and Medieval Celtic Sound Change Maynooth Department of Old and Middle Irish St Patrick s College ISBN 978 0 901519 40 5 Pedersen Holger 1913 Vergleichende Grammatik der keltischen Sprachen 2 Band Bedeutungslehre Wortlehre Gottingen Vandenhoeck amp Ruprecht ISBN 978 3 525 26119 4 Schrijver Peter 1994 The Celtic adverbs for against and with and the early apocope of i Eriu 45 151 89 Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic Historical Phonology Amsterdam Rodopi ISBN 978 90 5183 820 6 Schrijver Peter 2015 Pruners and trainers of the Celtic family tree The rise and development of Celtic in light of language contact Proceedings of the XIV International Congress of Celtic Studies Maynooth 2011 Dublin Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies pp 191 219 Thurneysen Rudolf 1946 A Grammar of Old Irish Tr D A Binchy and Osborn Bergin Dublin Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies Zair Nicholas 2012 The Reflexes of the Proto Indo European Laryngeals in Celtic Leiden Brill External linksWikimedia Commons has media related to Proto Celtic language For a list of words relating to Proto Celtic language see the Proto Celtic language category of words in Wiktionary the free dictionary Leiden University has compiled etymological dictionaries of various IE languages a project supervised by Alexander Lubotsky