Eastern Roman Empire

The Byzantine Empire, also known as the Eastern Roman Empire, was the continuation of the Roman Empire centred on Constantinople during late antiquity and the Middle Ages. Having survived the conditions that led to the fall of the Western Roman Empire in the 5th century AD, it endured until the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Empire in 1453. The term 'Byzantine Empire' was coined only after its demise; its citizens called the polity the 'Roman Empire' and themselves 'Romans'.

Byzantine Empire
330–1453
The empire in 555 under Justinian I, its greatest extent since the fall of the Western Roman Empire, vassals shaded in pink
Capital	Constantinople (modern-day Istanbul)
Common languages	Greek
Religion	Christianity (official)
Demonym(s)	Byzantine Roman
Government	Autocracy
Notable emperors
• 306–337	Constantine I
• 379–395	Theodosius I
• 408–450	Theodosius II
• 527–565	Justinian I
• 610–641	Heraclius
• 717–741	Leo III
• 976–1025	Basil II
• 1081–1118	Alexios I
• 1143–1180	Manuel I
• 1261–1282	Michael VIII
• 1449–1453	Constantine XI
Historical era	Late antiquity to Late Middle Ages
Area
457	2,350,000 km^2 (910,000 sq mi)
565	3,400,000 km^2 (1,300,000 sq mi)
775	880,000 km^2 (340,000 sq mi)
1025	1,675,000 km^2 (647,000 sq mi)
1320	420,000 km^2 (160,000 sq mi)
Population
• 457	16,000,000
• 565	20,000,000
• 775	7,000,000
• 1025	12,000,000
• 1320	2,000,000
Currency	Solidus, denarius, and hyperpyron
Preceded by Roman Empire

During the early centuries of the Roman Empire, the western provinces were Latinised, but the eastern parts kept their Hellenistic culture. Constantine I (r. 324–337) legalised Christianity and moved the capital to Constantinople. Theodosius I (r. 379–395) made Christianity the state religion and Greek gradually replaced Latin for official use. The empire adopted a defensive strategy and, throughout its remaining history, experienced recurring cycles of decline and recovery.

It reached its greatest extent during the reign of Justinian I (r. 527–565), who briefly reconquered much of Italy and the western Mediterranean coast. The plague emerged, and a devastating war with Persia drained the empire's resources. The Arab conquests led to the loss of the empire's richest provinces—Egypt and Syria—to the Rashidun Caliphate. In 698, Africa was lost to the Umayyad Caliphate, but the empire stabilised under the Isaurian dynasty. It expanded once more under the Macedonian dynasty, experiencing a two-century-long renaissance. Thereafter, periods of civil war and Seljuk incursion resulted in the loss of most of Asia Minor. The empire recovered during the Komnenian restoration, and Constantinople remained the largest and wealthiest city in Europe until the 13th century.

The empire was largely dismantled in 1204, following the sack of Constantinople during the Fourth Crusade; its former territories were then divided into competing Greek rump states and Latin realms. Despite the eventual recovery of Constantinople in 1261, the reconstituted empire wielded only regional power during its final two centuries. Its remaining territories were progressively annexed by the Ottomans in a series of wars fought in the 14th and 15th centuries. The fall of Constantinople to the Ottomans in 1453 brought the empire to an end, but its history and legacy remain topics of debate to this day.

Nomenclature

The inhabitants of the empire, now generally termed Byzantines, thought of themselves as Romans (Romaioi). Their Islamic neighbours similarly called their empire the "land of the Romans" (Bilād al-Rūm), while the people of medieval Western Europe preferred to call them "Greeks" (Graeci), as they regarded themselves as being the true inheritors of Roman identity. The adjective "Byzantine", derived from Byzantion (Byzantium in Latin), the name of the Greek settlement Constantinople was established on, was only used to describe the inhabitants of the city; it did not refer to the empire, called Romanía ("Romanland") by its citizens.

Following the empire's fall, early modern scholars referred to it by many names, including the "Empire of Constantinople", the "Empire of the Greeks", the "Eastern Empire", the "Late Empire", the "Low Empire", and the "Roman Empire". The increasing use of "Byzantine" and "Byzantine Empire" started with the 15th-century historian Laonikos Chalkokondyles, whose works were widely propagated by Hieronymus Wolf. "Byzantine" was used adjectivally alongside terms such as "Empire of the Greeks" until the 19th century. It is now the primary term, used to refer to all aspects of the empire; some modern historians believe it should not be used because it was originally a prejudicial and inaccurate term.

History

Given the significant overlap in historiographical periodisations of "Roman history", "late antiquity", and "Byzantine history", there is no consensus on a "foundation date" for the Byzantine Empire, or even if one existed. The growth of the study of "late antiquity" has led to some historians setting a start date in the seventh or eighth centuries. Others believe a "new empire" began during changes in c. 300 AD. Some others like Jonathan Shepard consider these starting points to be too early or too late, and argue that the empire began c. 500. Geoffrey Greatrex believes that it is impossible to precisely date the foundation of the Byzantine Empire.

Pre-518: Constantinian, Theodosian, and Leonid dynasties

Four-way division of the Roman Empire under the Tetrarchy system established by Diocletian

Between the 3rd and 1st centuries BC, the Roman Republic established hegemony over the eastern Mediterranean, while its government developed into the one-person rule of an emperor. The Roman Empire enjoyed a period of relative stability until the 3rd century AD, when external threats and internal instabilities caused it to splinter, as regional armies acclaimed their generals as "soldier-emperors". One of these, Diocletian (r. 284–305), recognised that the state was too big to be ruled by a single person and attempted to address this by instituting a Tetrarchy, a rule of four, dividing the empire into eastern and western halves. Although the Tetrarchy system quickly failed, the division of the empire proved an enduring concept.

Diocletian's reforms significantly altered governmental structure, reach and taxation, and these reforms had the effect of downgrading the first capital, Rome.Constantine I (r. 306–337) consolidated complete power in 324. Over the next six years, he rebuilt the city of Byzantium as a new capital, renaming it Constantinople. Rome was further from the important eastern provinces and in a less strategically important location; it was not esteemed by the "soldier-emperors" who ruled from the frontiers or by the empire's population who, having been granted citizenship, considered themselves to be Roman. Constantine extensively reformed the empire's military and civil administration and instituted the gold solidus as a stable currency. He favoured Christianity, which he had converted to in 312.

Constantine's dynasty fought a lengthy conflict against Sasanid Persia and ended in 363 with the death of his son-in-law Julian. The reign of the short Valentinianic dynasty, marked by wars against barbarians, religious debates, and anti-corruption campaigns, ended in the East with the death of Valens at the Battle of Adrianople in 378.

Division of the empire after the death of Theodosius I in 395

  The Western Roman Empire

  The Byzantine/Eastern Roman Empire

Valens's successor, Theodosius I (r. 379–395), restored political stability in the east by allowing the Goths to settle in Roman territory; he also twice intervened in the western half, defeating the usurpers Magnus Maximus and Eugenius in 388 and 394 respectively. He actively condemned paganism, confirmed the primacy of Nicene Christianity over Arianism, and established Christianity as the Roman state religion. He was the last emperor to rule both the western and eastern halves of the empire; after his death, the West was destabilised by a succession of "soldier-emperors", unlike the East, where administrators continued to hold power. Theodosius II (r. 408–450) largely left the rule of the East to officials such as Anthemius, who constructed the Theodosian Walls to defend Constantinople, now firmly entrenched as Rome's capital.

Theodosius' reign was marked by the theological dispute over Nestorianism (a doctrine eventually deemed heretical), and by the formulation of the Codex Theodosianus legal code. It also saw the arrival of Attila's Huns, who ravaged the Balkans and exacted a large tribute from the empire; Attila switched his attention to the rapidly-deteriorating western empire, and his people fractured after his death in 453. After Leo I (r. 457–474) failed in his 468 attempt to reconquer the West, the warlord Odoacer deposed Romulus Augustulus in 476, killed his titular successor Julius Nepos in 480, and the office of western emperor was abolished.

Through a combination of fortune, cultural factors, and political decisions, the Eastern Empire never experienced rebellious barbarian vassals or rule by barbarian warlords—the problems which ensured the downfall of the West.Zeno (r. 474–491) convinced the problematic Ostrogoth king Theodoric to take control of Italy from Odoacer; dying when the empire was at peace, he was succeeded by Anastasius I (r. 491–518). His belief in monophysitism brought occasional issues, but Anastasius was a capable administrator and instituted successful financial reforms including the abolition of the chrysargyron tax. He was the first emperor since Diocletian who did not face any serious problems affecting the empire during his reign.

518–717: Justinian and Heraclian dynasties

Emperor Justinian (left), and the general Belisarius (right). Mosaics, 6th century, from the Basilica of San Vitale, Ravenna, Italy

The reign of Justinian I was a watershed in Byzantine history. Following his accession in 527, the legal code was rewritten as the Corpus Juris Civilis and Justinian produced extensive legislation on provincial administration; he reasserted imperial control over religion and morality through purges of non-Christians and "deviants"; and having ruthlessly subdued the 532 Nika revolt he rebuilt much of Constantinople, including the original Hagia Sophia. Justinian I took advantage of political instability in Italy to attempt the reconquest of lost western territories. The Vandal Kingdom in North Africa was subjugated in 534 by the general Belisarius, who then invaded Italy; the Ostrogothic Kingdom was destroyed in 554.

In the 540s, Justinian began to suffer reversals on multiple fronts. Capitalising on Constantinople's preoccupation with the West, Khosrow I of the Sasanian Empire invaded Byzantine territory and sacked Antioch in 540. The emperor's internal reforms and policies began to falter, and a devastating plague killed a large proportion of the population and severely reduced the empire's social and financial stability. The most difficult period of the Ostrogothic war, against their king Totila, came during this decade, while divisions among Justinian's advisors undercut the administration's response. He also did not fully heal the divisions in Chalcedonian Christianity, as the Second Council of Constantinople failed to make a real difference. Justinian died in 565; his reign was more successful than any other Byzantine emperor, yet he left his empire under serious strain.

Financially and territorially overextended, Justin II (r. 565–578) was soon at war on many fronts. Fearing the aggressive Avars, the Lombards conquered much of northern Italy by 572. The Sasanian wars restarted in the same year, and continued until the emperor Maurice emerged victorious in 591; by this time, the Avars and Slavs had repeatedly invaded the Balkans, causing great instability. Maurice campaigned extensively in the region during the 590s, and although he re-established Byzantine control up to the Danube, he pushed his troops too far in 602—they mutinied, proclaimed an officer named Phocas as emperor, and executed Maurice. The Sasanians seized their moment and reopened hostilities; Phocas was unable to cope and soon faced a major rebellion led by Heraclius. Phocas lost Constantinople in 610 and was executed; this destructive civil war accelerated the empire's decline.

The Theodosian Walls of Constantinople, critically important during the 717–718 siege

Under Khosrow II, the Sassanids occupied the Levant and Egypt and advanced into Asia Minor, while Byzantine control of Italy weakened, and the Avars and Slavs raided in the Balkans. Although Heraclius repelled a siege of Constantinople in 626 and defeated the Sassanids in 627, this was a pyrrhic victory. The Arab conquests soon saw the conquest of the Levant, Egypt, and the Sassanid Empire by the newly-formed Arabic Rashidun Caliphate. By Heraclius' death in 641, the empire had been severely reduced economically and territorially—the loss of the wealthy eastern provinces had deprived Constantinople of three-quarters of its revenue.

The next seventy-five years are poorly documented.Arab raids into Asia Minor began almost immediately, and the Byzantines responded by holding fortified centres and avoiding battle wherever possible; although Anatolia was invaded annually, it avoided permanent Arab occupation. The outbreak of the First Fitna in 656 gave Byzantium breathing space, which it used wisely: some order was restored in the Balkans by Constans II (r. 641–668), and the administrative reorganisation implemented by him known as the "theme system", which allocated troops to defend specific provinces.Constantine IV (r. 668–685) repelled the Arab efforts to capture Constantinople in the 670s using Greek fire, but suffered a reversal against the Bulgars, who soon established an empire in the northern Balkans. Nevertheless, he and Constans had done enough to secure the empire's position, especially as the Umayyad Caliphate was undergoing another civil war.

Justinian II sought to build on the stability established by his father Constantine, but was overthrown in 695 after attempting to exact too much from his subjects; over the next twenty-two years, there were six more rebellions during an era of political instability. The reconstituted caliphate sought to break Byzantium by taking Constantinople, but the newly crowned Leo III repelled the 717–718 siege, the first major setback of the Muslim conquests.

718–867: Isaurian, Nikephorian, and Amorian dynasties

Gold solidus of Leo III (left), and his son and heir, Constantine V (right)

Leo and his son Constantine V (r. 741–775), two of the most capable Byzantine emperors, withstood continued Arab attacks, civil unrest, and natural disasters, and reestablished the state as a major regional power. Leo's reign produced the Ecloga, a new code of law to succeed that of Justinian I. He also continued to reform the theme system in order to lead offensive campaigns against the Muslims, culminating in a decisive victory in 740. Constantine overcame an early civil war against his brother-in-law Artabasdos, made peace with the new Abbasid Caliphate, campaigned successfully against the Bulgars, and continued to make administrative and military reforms. Due to both emperors' support for the Byzantine Iconoclasm, where the use of religious icons was banned, they were later vilified by Byzantine historians; Constantine's reign also saw the loss of Ravenna to the Lombards, and the beginning of a split from the Roman papacy.

In 780, Empress Irene assumed power as regent for her son Constantine VI. Although she was a capable administrator who temporarily resolved the iconoclasm controversy, the empire was destabilised by her conflict with her son. The Bulgars and Abbasids inflicted numerous defeats on the Byzantine armies, and the papacy crowned Charlemagne as Roman emperor in 800. In 802, the unpopular Irene was overthrown by Nikephoros I; he reformed the empire's administration but died in battle against the Bulgars in 811. Military defeats and societal disorder, especially the resurgence of iconoclasm, characterised the next eighteen years.

The Byzantine Empire c. 814.

Stability was somewhat restored during the reign of Theophilos (r. 829–842). He capitalised on economic growth to complete construction programmes, including rebuilding the sea walls of Constantinople, overhaul provincial governance, and wage inconclusive campaigns against the Abbasids. After his death, his empress Theodora, ruling on behalf of her son Michael III, permanently extinguished the iconoclastic movement; the empire prospered under their sometimes-fraught rule. Michael was posthumously vilified by historians loyal to the dynasty of his successor Basil I, who had him assassinated in 867 and was credited with his predecessor's achievements.

867–1081: Macedonian and Doukas dynasties

Basil I (r. 867–886) continued Michael's policies. His armies campaigned with mixed results in Italy but defeated the Paulicians of Tephrike. His successor Leo VI (r. 886–912) compiled and propagated a huge number of written works. These included the Basilika, a Greek translation of Justinian I's legal code incorporating over 100 new laws created by Leo; the Tactica, a military treatise; and the Book of the Eparch, a manual on Constantinople's trading regulations. In non-literary contexts Leo was less successful: the empire lost in Sicily and against the Bulgarians, and he provoked theological scandal by marrying four times in an attempt to father a legitimate heir.

The early reign of this heir, Constantine VII, was tumultuous, as his mother Zoe, his uncle Alexander, the patriarch Nicholas, the powerful Simeon I of Bulgaria, and other influential figures jockeyed for power. In 920, the admiral Romanos I used his fleet to secure power, crowning himself and demoting Constantine to the position of junior co-emperor. His reign, marked by the end of the war against Bulgaria and successes in the east under the general John Kourkouas, ended in 944 due to the machinations of his sons, whom Constantine then usurped. Constantine's ineffectual sole rule has often been construed as the zenith of Byzantine learning, but the works compiled were largely intended to legitimise and glorify the emperor's Macedonian dynasty.His son and successor died young; under two soldier-emperors, Nikephoros II (r. 963–969) and John I Tzimiskes (r. 969–976), the army claimed numerous military successes, including the conquest of Cilicia and Antioch, and a sensational victory against Bulgaria and the Kievan Rus' in 971. John in particular was an astute administrator who reformed military structures and implemented effective fiscal policies.

After John's death, Constantine VII's grandsons Basil II and Constantine VIII ruled jointly for half a century, although the latter exercised no real power. Their early reign was occupied by conflicts against two prominent generals, Bardas Skleros and Bardas Phokas, which ended in 989 after the former's death and the latter's submission, and a power struggle against the eunuch Basileios, who was dismissed in 985. Basil, who never married or had children, subsequently refused to delegate any authority: he sidelined the military establishment by taking personal command of the army and promoting officers loyal to him. His reign witnessed the decades-long campaign against Bulgaria, which ended in total Byzantine victory at the Battle of Kleidion in 1018. Diplomatic efforts, critical for this success, also contributed to the annexation of several Georgian provinces in the 1020s and coexistence with the new Fatimid Caliphate. When he died in 1025, Basil's empire stretched from the Danube and Sicily in the west to the Euphrates in the east; his swift expansion was unaccompanied by administrative reforms.

The seizure of Edessa (1031) by the Byzantines under George Maniakes and the counterattack by the Seljuk Turks

After Constantine VIII's death in 1028, his daughters, the empresses Zoe (r. 1028–1052) and Theodora (r. 1042–1056), held the keys to power: four emperors (Romanos III, Michael IV, Michael V, and Constantine IX) ruled only because of their connection to Zoe, while Michael VI (r. 1056–1057) was selected by Theodora. This political instability, regular budget deficits, a series of expensive military failures, and other problems connected to over-extension led to substantial issues in the empire; its strategic focus moved from maintaining its hegemony to prioritising defence.

The empire soon came under sustained assault on three fronts, from the Seljuk Turks in the east, the Pecheneg nomads in the north, and the Normans in the west. The Byzantine army struggled to confront these enemies, who did not organise themselves as traditional states, and were thus untroubled by defeats in set-piece battles. In 1071 Bari, the last remaining Byzantine settlement in Italy, was captured by the Normans, while the Seljuks won a decisive victory at the Battle of Manzikert, taking the emperor Romanos IV Diogenes prisoner. The latter event sparked a decade-long civil war, and as a result the Seljuks took possession of Anatolia up to the Sea of Marmara.

1081–1204: Komnenos and Angelos dynasties

One prominent general, Alexios I, usurped the throne in 1081. In contrast to the prior turmoil, the three reigns of Alexios (r. 1081–1118), his son John II (r. 1118–1143), and his grandson Manuel I (r. 1143–1180) lasted a century and restored the empire's regional authority for the final time. Alexios immediately faced the Normans under Robert Guiscard and repelled them through warfare and diplomacy. He then targeted the Pechenegs and decisively defeated them in 1091 with help from the Cumans, who were in turn defeated three years later. Finally, looking to recover Asia Minor from the Seljuks, he approached Pope Urban II for help c. 1095. He did not anticipate the scale of western Christendom's response—the First Crusade led to the recapture of western Anatolia, although Alexios and its leaders soon fell out. The rest of his reign was spent dealing with the Normans and Seljuks, establishing a new, loyal aristocracy to ensure stability, and carrying out fiscal and ecclesiastical reforms.

A mosaic from the Hagia Sophia of Constantinople (modern Istanbul), depicting Mary and Jesus, flanked by John II Komnenos (left) and his wife Irene of Hungary (right), 12th century

Alexios' concentration of power in the hands of his Komnenos dynasty meant the most serious political threats came from within the imperial family—before his coronation, John II had to overcome his mother Irene and his sister Anna, and the primary threat during his reign was his brother Isaac. John campaigned annually and extensively—he fought the Pechenegs in 1122, the Hungarians in the late 1120s, and the Seljuks throughout his reign, waging large campaigns in Syria in his final years—but he did not achieve large territorial gains. In 1138, John raised the imperial standard over the Crusader Principality of Antioch to intimidate the city into allying with the Byzantines, but did not attack, fearing that it would provoke western Christendom to respond.

Manuel I used his father's overflowing imperial treasury in pursuit of his ambitions, and also to secure the empire's position in an increasingly multilateral geopolitical landscape. Through a combination of diplomacy and bribery, he cultivated a ring of allies and clients around the empire: the Turks of the Sultanate of Rum, the Kingdom of Hungary, the Cilician Armenians, Balkan princes, Italian and Dalmatian cities, and most importantly Antioch and the Crusader States, marrying one of their princesses in 1161. Manuel averted the threat of war during the tumultuous passage of the Second Crusade through Byzantine territories in 1147, but the campaign's failure was blamed on the Byzantines by western contemporaries. He was less successful militarily: an invasion of Sicily was decisively defeated by King William I in 1156, leading to tensions with Frederick Barbarossa, the Holy Roman Emperor; two decades later, an invasion of Anatolia was resoundingly defeated at the Battle of Myriokephalon.

The Entry of the Crusaders into Constantinople, by Eugène Delacroix (1840)

Manuel's death left the empire rudderless and it soon came under intense pressure. His son Alexios II was too young to rule, and his troubled regency was overthrown by his uncle Andronikos I Komnenos: he was replaced by Isaac II in 1185. Centrifugal forces swirled at the borders as ambitious rulers seized their chance: Hungary and the Turks captured Byzantine territories, an exiled Komnenian prince seized Cyprus; and most injuriously, a revolt in 1185 caused the foundation of a resurrected Bulgarian state. Relations with the West deteriorated further after Constantinople allied with Saladin, the vanquisher of the Third Crusade, whose leaders also fought against Byzantium as they passed through its territory. In 1195, Isaac II was deposed by his brother Alexios III; this quarrel proved fatal.

The Fourth Crusade was originally intended to target Egypt, but amid strategic difficulties, Isaac II's son Alexios Angelos convinced the crusaders to restore his father to the throne in exchange for a huge tribute. They attacked Constantinople in 1203, reinstating Isaac II and his son to the throne. The new rulers swiftly grew unpopular and were deposed by Alexios V, an event used by the crusaders as a pretext to sack the city in April 1204, ransacking the wealth it had accumulated over nine centuries.

1204–1453: Palaiologos dynasty

The partition of the empire following the Fourth Crusade, c. 1204.

Byzantine territories fragmented into competing political entities. The crusaders crowned Baldwin I as the ruler of a new Latin Empire in Constantinople; it soon suffered a crushing defeat against the Bulgarians in 1205. It also failed to expand west or east, where three Greek successor states had formed: the Empire of Nicaea and the Empire of Trebizond in Asia Minor, and the Despotate of Epirus on the Adriatic. The Venetians acquired many ports and islands, and the Principality of Achaea emerged in southern Greece. Trebizond lost the key port of Sinope in 1214 and thereafter was unable to affect matters away from the southeastern Black Sea. For a time, it seemed that Epirus was the one most likely to reclaim Constantinople from the Latins, and its ruler Theodore Doukas crowned himself emperor, but he suffered a critical defeat at the Battle of Klokotnitsa in 1230, and Epirote power waned.

Nicaea, ruled by the Laskarid dynasty and composed of a mixture of Byzantine refugees and native Greeks, blocked the Latins and the Seljuks of Rum from expanding east and west respectively.John III (r. 1221–1254) was a very capable emperor. His protectionist economic policies strongly encouraged Nicaean self-sufficiency, and he made many diplomatic treaties, especially after Mongol armies ravaged Bulgaria and defeated Rum between 1237 and 1243. This chaos was an opportunity for John, and he fought many successful campaigns against the states disrupted by the Mongol invasions. Soon after his death, his grandson was usurped by Michael VIII, founder of the Palaiologos dynasty, who recaptured Constantinople in 1261.

Michael desired to restore the empire's glory through a rebuilding programme in Constantinople, clever diplomatic alliances, and expansionist wars in Europe. He staved off the threatening Charles I of Anjou first by recognising papal primacy and certain Catholic doctrines at the 1274 Second Council of Lyon, and then by aiding the Sicilian Vespers against Charles in 1282. However, his religious concessions were despised by most of the populace, and were repudiated by his successor Andronikos II (r. 1282–1328). He and his grandson Andronikos III (r. 1328–1341) led several campaigns to restore imperial influence, succeeding in Epirus and Thessaly. They also made several critical mistakes, including dismissing the fleet in 1285, hiring the mercenary Catalan Company, who turned on the Byzantines, in the 1300s, and fighting each other between 1320 and 1328. A disastrous civil war between 1341 and 1354 caused long-term economic difficulties, while the Ottoman Turks gradually expanded.

The siege of Constantinople in 1453, depicted in a 15th-century French miniature

The diminished and weak Byzantine state only survived for another century through effective diplomacy and fortunately-timed external events. The Ottomans gradually subjugated Anatolia and simultaneously expanded into Europe from 1354, taking Philippopolis in 1363, Adrianopolis in 1369, and Thessalonica in 1387. Emperors were crowned and deposed at the whim of the Venetians, Genoese, and Ottomans. After Manuel II (r. 1391–1425) refused to pay homage to Sultan Bayezid I in 1394, Constantinople was besieged until the rampaging warlord Timur decisively defeated Bayezid in 1402, with the city perilously close to surrender.

Manuel II oversaw two decades of peace while the Ottomans convulsed in civil war. In 1421, his unsuccessful backing of the claimant Mustafa Çelebi led to a renewed Turkish assault. Although John VIII (r. 1425–1448) reconciled with the Catholic West at the Council of Florence, his empire steadily diminished. In 1452, Sultan Mehmed II resolved to capture Constantinople, and laid siege early the following year. On 29 May 1453, the city was captured, the last emperor, Constantine XI, died in battle, and the Byzantine Empire ended.

Structures of the state

The themes, c. 750

The themes, c. 950

Governance

The patriarch inaugurated emperors from 457 onwards, while the crowds of Constantinople proclaimed their support, thus legitimising their rule. The senate originally had its own identity but was really just a ceremonial body within the imperial court. The reign of Phocas (r. 602–610) was the first military coup after the 3rd century, and he was one of 43 emperors violently removed from power. From Heraclius' accession in 610 till 1453, a total of nine dynasties ruled the empire. During this time, for only 30 of the 843 years were the reigning emperors unrelated by blood or kinship, largely due to the practice of co-emperorship.

Diocletian and Constantine's 4th-century reforms reorganised the empires' provinces into over-arching Dioceses and then, Praetorian prefecture, separating the army from the civil administration. After the 7th century, the prefectures were abandoned and in the 9th century the provinces were divided into administrative units called themata, governed soley by a military commander (strategos).

During the early empire, cities had been a collection of self-governing communities with central government and church representatives, whereas the emperor focused on defense and foreign relations. The Arab destruction primarily changed this due to constant war and their regular raids, with a decline in city councils. Through his legal reforms, Leo VI (r. 886–912) centralised power, formally ending city councils' rights and the legislative authority of the senate.

Law

Theodosius II (r. 402–450) formalised Roman law by appointing five jurists as principal authorities and compiling legislation issued since Constantine’s reign into the Codex Theodosianus. This process culminated in the Corpus Juris Civilis under Justinian I (r. 527–565), who commissioned a complete standardisation of imperial decrees since Hadrian's time and resolved conflicting legal opinions. The result became the definitive legal authority. This body of law covered civil matters and also public law, including imperial power and administrative organisation. After 534, Justinian issued the Novellae (New Laws) in Greek, which marked a transition from Roman to Byzantine law. Legal historian Bernard Stolte distinguishes Roman law as this because Western Europe inherited law through the Latin texts of the Corpus Juris Civilis only.

Zachary Chitwood argues that the Corpus Juris Civilis was largely inaccessible in Latin, particularly in the provinces. Following the 7th-century Arab conquests, people began questioning the development and application of law, leading to stronger ties between law and Christianity. This context influenced Leo III (r. 717–741) to develop the Ecloga, which placed an emphasis on humanity. The Ecloga inspired practical legal texts like the Farmers' Law, Seamen's Law, and Soldiers' Law, which Chitwood suggests were used daily in the provinces as companions to the Corpus Juris Civilis. During the Macedonian dynasty, efforts to reform law began with the publication of the Procheiron and the Eisagoge, which aimed to define the emperor's power under prevailing laws, and to replace the Ecloga due to its association with iconoclasm. Leo VI (r. 886–912) completed a complete codification of Roman law in Greek through the Basilika, a work of 60 books which became the foundation of Byzantine law. In 1345, Constantine Harmenopoulos compiled the Hexabiblos, a six-volume law book derived from various Byzantine legal sources.

Christianity and the Church

Christianity, bolstered by Constantine's support, began shaping all aspects of life in the early Byzantine Empire. Despite the transition, the historian Anthony Kaldellis views Christianity as "bringing no economic, social, or political changes to the state other than being more deeply integrated into it". When the Roman state in the West collapsed politically, cultural differences began to divide the Christian churches of the East and West. Internal disputes within the Eastern churches led to the migration of monastic communities to Rome, exacerbating tensions between Rome and Constantinople. These disputes, particularly in Egypt and the eastern Mediterranean, eventually split the church into three branches: Chalcedonian, Monophysite (Coptic), and Nestorian. The Chalcedonian group maintained dominance within the empire's territories, while the Monophysite and Nestorian branches largely fell under Muslim rule in the 7th century.

Eastern patriarchs frequently sought the Papacy's mediation in doctrinal and practical matters, but the pope's authority was not universally acknowledged, even in nearby regions like Northern Italy. By 600, the Slavic settlement of the Balkans disrupted communication between Rome and Constantinople, further widening the divide. The Arab and Lombard invasions, and the increased Frankish presence, deepened this estrangement and intensified disputes over jurisdiction and authority between the two spiritual centres. Differences in ritual and theology, such as the use of unleavened bread and the Filioque clause, as well as divergences in ecclesiology—plenitudo potestatis versus the authority of Ecumenical Councils—and issues of mutual respect, contributed to the separation of Western Christianity from Eastern Christianity. This separation began by 597 and culminated in 1054 during the East–West Schism.

Warfare

Military evolution

In the late 6th century, following Justinian I's wars, seven mobile field armies called comitatenses, numbering around 150,000 troops, were deployed around the empire; they remained the finest armies in Europe. They were aided by twenty-five frontier garrisons of approximately 195,000 lower-quality limitanei troops. Additional troops included subsidised allied forces and imperial guard units like the Scholae Palatinae. Naval forces were limited: flotillas were based at key locations, while 30,000 oarsmen were assembled to row 500, mostly requisitioned, transports to support the Vandalic War in Africa in 533.

The losses suffered in the 7th-century Arab conquests led to fundamental changes. The field armies were withdrawn into the core Anatolian territories and assigned to settle in specific districts, which became known as themata and eventually replaced the old provinces. The thematic armies, supported by the proceeds of their districts, came to resemble a provincial militia with a small professional core, aided by foreign mercenaries and imperial regiments at Constantinople. To defend against its new Muslim enemy, the navy was similarly reorganised into several provincialised fleets. It became the dominant power in the eastern Mediterranean, with dromons equipped with Greek fire proving crucial on several occasions.

As the 8th-century empire stabilised, the thematic militas proved rebellious and only suitable for defensive operations. The professional tagmata regiments, first introduced in the mid-700s and consisting of native Byzantine units alongside foreign forces such as the Varangian Guard, had completely replaced them by the 11th century. The mobile tagmata, suitable for offensive warfare, evolved new tactical and strategic structures; the late 10th-century army, perhaps the highest-quality force the empire produced, numbered approximately 140,000, up from below 100,000 in the late 700s. However, its defensive capacities were neglected, especially during the 11th-century civil wars, leading to the loss of Anatolia to the Seljuks. The navy had also been reduced, as the empire increasingly relied on potentially hostile powers such as Venice.

Post-1081 reforms re-established an effective army; the institution of feudal-like pronoia grants provided revenue to individuals in exchange for soldiers. The new army heavily relied on foreign mercenaries alongside indigenous Byzantine troops, but the financial demands of a standing army proved too much for the Byzantine state, which succumbed to the Fourth Crusade in 1204. The army of the Palaiologan dynasty, which retook Constantinople in 1461, was generally composed of a similar mix of mercenaries and indigenous troops, but it had lost all offensive capability by the late 1200s. The empire's continued survival depended on foreign armies; attempts in the 1340s to rebuild the fleet, unwisely disbanded in 1284, were forcibly halted by Genoa. No post-1204 Byzantine field army fielded more than 5,000 troops, and less than 8,000 defended the final siege of Constantinople in 1453.

Diplomacy

The embassy of John the Grammarian in 829, sent by emperor Theophilos to the Abbasid caliph Al-Ma'mun

Byzantine strategy was primarily defensive, aside from the brief period of aggression between the ninth and eleventh centuries, because of the empire's habitual lack of resources. To avoid risky and expensive military campaigns, the Byzantines engaged in extensive diplomatic efforts. These took various forms, including: formal embassies, client management, alliance or peace negotiations, political marriages, propaganda and bribery, or even espionage and assassination.

Defensively-oriented Byzantine diplomacy was intended to protect the oikoumenē, the civilised Christian world which the empire rightfully ruled. The decline of the key limitrophe system, wherein client states along the borders served as intermediaries between the empire and other large enemies, exposed the empire to attack. By the eleventh century, Byzantine diplomacy was more bilateral and balanced. Although it lost some important advantages post-1204, diplomacy, including the still-influential Orthodox church, was nevertheless a central element in the empire's lengthy survival until 1453.

Society

Demography

As many as 27 million people lived in the empire at its peak in 540, but this fell to 12 million by 800. Although plague and territorial losses to Arab Muslim invaders weakened the empire, it eventually recovered and by the near end of the Macedonian dynasty in 1025, the population is estimated to have been as high as 18 million. A few decades after the recapture of Constantinople in 1282, the empire's population was in the range of 3–5 million; by 1312, the number had dropped to 2 million. By the time the Ottoman Turks captured Constantinople, there were only 50,000 people in the city, one-tenth of its population in its prime.

Education

Education was voluntary and required financial means, so the most literate people were often those associated with the church. Primary education focused on teaching foundational subjects like reading, writing, and arithmetic whereas secondary school focused on the trivium and quadrivium as their curriculum. The Imperial University of Constantinople was formed in 425, and refounded in 1046 as a centre for law.^[204]

Slavery

During the 3rd century, 10–15% of the population was enslaved (numbering around 3 million in the east). Youval Rotman calls the changes to slavery during this period "different degrees of unfreedom". Previous roles fulfilled by slaves became high-demand free market professions (like tutors), and the state encouraged the coloni, tenants bound to the land, as a new legal category between freemen and slaves. From 294 the enslavement of children was progressively forbidden; Honorius (r. 393–423) began freeing enslaved prisoners of war, and from the 9th century, emperors freed the slaves of conquered people. Christianity as an institution had no direct impact, but by the 6th century it was a bishop's duty to ransom Christians, there were established limits on trading them, and state policies prohibited the enslavement of Christians; these changes shaped Byzantine slave-holding from the 8th century onwards. Non-Christians could still be enslaved, and prices remained stable until 1300, when prices for adult slaves, particularly women, started rising.

Socio-economic

Agriculture was the main basis of taxation and the state sought to bind everyone to land for productivity. Most land holdings were small and medium-sized lots around villages, and family farms were the primary source of agriculture. The coloni, sometimes called proto-serfs, were free citizens, though historians continue to debate their exact status.

The Ekloge laws of 741 made marriage a Christian institution and no longer a private contract, where it evolved alongside the increased rights of slaves and the change in power relations. Marriage was considered an institution required to sustain the population, transfer property rights, and support the elderly of the family; the Empress Theodora had also said it was needed to restrict sexual hedonism. Women usually married between the ages of 15 and 20, and the average family had two children. Divorce could be done by mutual consent but was restricted over time, for example, only being allowed if a married person was joining a convent.

Inheritance rights were well developed, including for all women. The historian Anthony Kaldellis suggests that these rights may have been what prevented the emergence of large properties and a hereditary nobility capable of intimidating the state. The prevalence of widows (estimated at 20%) meant women often controlled family assets as heads of households and businesses, contributing to the rise of some empresses to power. Women played significant roles as taxpayers, landowners, and petitioners, often seeking the resolution of property disputes in court.

Women

Women had the same socio-economic status as men, but faced legal discrimination and limitations in economic opportunities and vocations. Prohibited from serving as soldiers or holding political office, and restricted from serving as deaconesses in the Church from the 7th century onwards, women were mostly assigned labour-intensive household responsibilities. They worked in the food and textile industries, as medical staff, in public baths, in retail, and were practising members of artisan guilds. They also worked in entertainment, tavern keeping, and prostitution, a class where some saints and empresses may have originated from. Prostitution was widespread, and attempts were made to limit it, especially during Justinian's reign under the influence of Theodora. Women participated in public life, engaging in social events and protests. Women's rights were better in the empire than in comparable societies. Western European and American women took until the 19th century to surpass them.

Language

Left: The Mudil Psalter, the oldest complete psalter in the Coptic language (Coptic Museum, Egypt, Coptic Cairo)
Right: The Joshua Roll, a 10th-century illuminated Greek manuscript possibly made in Constantinople (Vatican Library, Rome)

Latin and Greek were the primary languages of the late Roman Empire, with the former prevalent in the west and the latter in the east. Although Latin was historically important in the military, legal system, and government, its use declined in Byzantine territories from 400 AD. Greek had begun to replace it even in those functions by the time of Justinian I, who may have tried to arrest Latin's decline. Its extinction in the east was thereafter inevitable. A similar process of linguistic Hellenization occurred in Asia Minor, whose inhabitants had mostly abandoned their indigenous languages for Greek by early Byzantine times. Still, much of the population of Justinian's multi-ethnic empire would have known neither Latin nor Greek, especially in rural areas—their languages included Armenian in that people's homelands, Aramaic dialects such as Syriac in Mesopotamia and the Levant, Coptic in Egypt, Phoenician on the Levant coast and in Carthage, and Berber in rural North Africa.

The empire lost its ethnic diversity in the struggles which followed Justinian's reign and it was overwhelmingly Greek-speaking by the 8th century. During this troubled period, classical Attic Greek—one of the linguistic registers the Byzantine Greeks inherited—fell out of use, while the everyday vernacular registers were still used. As the empire gained some stablity from the 9th century onwards, and especially after the Komnenian restoration, Attic Greek came back into fashion for written works. In a phenomenon called diglossia, the gap between vernacular spoken Greek, which was rarely written in published works, and literary registers only spoken in formal contexts, became very wide.

During the Palaiologan period, although classically-written works remained the normal style, Western-inspired writers began to use more vernacular elements, especially for romances or near-contemporary histories. One example is the Chronicle of the Morea, probably written by a French immigrant who was ignorant of formal Greek literature and who incorporated spoken Greek into his work. All such written vernacular was in verse form, becoming the ancestor of modern Greek poetry, while prose remained classically-written.

Economy

The empire's geographic and maritime advantages reduced the costs of transporting goods and facilitated trade, making it a key driver of economic growth from antiquity and through the post-classical period. Infrastructure, including roads, public buildings, and the legal system, supported trade and other economic activities. Regions like Asia Minor, the Aegean islands, Egypt, the Levant, and Africa thrived as mature economic centres despite political challenges and military insecurities. From the mid-6th century onward, plagues, invasions, and wars caused populations and economies to decline, leading to the collapse of the ancient economy. Major cities like Constantinople, Antioch, Alexandria, and Thessaloniki continued to support substantial populations exceeding 100,000, while the countryside transitioned into fortified settlements. These rural areas developed into hamlets and villages, reflecting an economic shift between historical periods towards more efficient land use.

Low population density prompted emperors to encourage migration and resettlement, stimulating agriculture and demographic growth. By the 9th century, the economy began to revive, marked by increased agricultural production and urban expansion. Advances in science, technical knowledge, and literacy gave the empire a competitive edge over its neighbours. The 11th and 12th centuries witnessed consistent and rapid population growth, marking the peak of this revival. Italian merchants, particularly the Venetians, Genoese, and Pisans, took control of international trade, thus reducing the influence of native merchants. The political system grew increasingly extractive and authoritarian, contributing to the empire's collapse in 1204.

The fall of Constantinople during the Fourth Crusade in 1204 destroyed centuries of its wealth. Large landholdings were confiscated, and the empire fragmented into smaller rump states ruled by competing factions, making governance inefficient and increasing the costs of doing business. The state gradually lost control over trade practices, price regulations, the outflow of precious metals, and possibly even the minting of coins. Italian merchants further dominated trade as the events of 1204 opened the Black Sea to Western merchants, permanently altering the empire's fortunes. Farmers and manufacturers increasingly produced goods for local use and were affected by the insecurity of constant warfare. Despite these challenges, the empire's mixed economy (characterised by state interventions, public works, and market liberalisation) remained a model of medieval economic adaptability, even as it deteriorated under external pressures.

Daily life

Clothing

Historical evidence of Byzantine dress is scant. It is known that the court had a distinguishable dress, and that ordinary men and women observed certain conventions of clothing. Fashion trends started in the provinces, and not in the capital, which was more conservative. The imperial dress was centred around the loros, tzangia and crown, which represented the empire and the court. The loros derived from the trabea triumphalis, a ceremonial toga worn by consuls. It was more prominent in the early empire, indicating a continuation of the traditions of the Roman Empire. Historian Jennifer Ball suggests that the chlamys cloak, which originated in the military, was similar to a modern-day business suit and an evolution of the paludamentum cloak worn by aristocratic men, including the emperor during the early empire. In the middle empire, dresses replaced the tunic for women. The late empire saw the larger influence on Byzantine dress of non-Greek cultures like the Italians (Genoese and Venetians), Turks (Ottomans), and the Bulgarians.

Cuisine

Feasting was a major part of Byzantine culture and included the use of clean tables and forks. Modern Italian standards of gastronomy are likely to have been influenced by this era. Classical Greco-Roman era foods were common such as the condiment garos (similar to fermented fish sauces today) as well as the still popular baklava. Fruits like aubergine and orange, unknown during classical times, were added to diets. There were famed medieval sweet wines such as the Malvasia from Monemvasia, the Commandaria, and the eponymous Rumney wine which were drunk, as were millet beer (known as boza) and retsina.

Recreation

A game of τάβλι (tabula) played by the Byzantine emperor Zeno in 480 and recorded by Agathias in c. 530 because of a very unlucky dice throw for Zeno (red).

Chariot races were held from the early era until 1204, becoming one of the world's longest continuous sporting events.Mimes, the pantomime and some wild animal shows were prominent until the 6th century. Because Christian bishops and pagan philosophers did not like these activities, the state's funding for them ceased, leading to their decline and a move to private entertainment and sporting. A Persian version of polo introduced by the Crusaders called Tzykanion was played by the nobility and urban aristocracy in major cities during the middle and late eras, as was the sport of jousting introduced from the West.^[276] Over time, game boards like tavli became increasingly popular.

Arts and sciences

Art and architecture

Clockwise, from top left:

• Christ Pantocrator icon, 6th century, Sinai Monastery
• Hosios Loukas mosaics, detail, early 11th century
• Barberini ivory, an early 6th-century ivory diptych
• The Hagia Sophia exterior
• Dead Christ and Mourners, c. 1164, Gorno Nerezi

Subjects in Byzantine art were primarily Christian and typically non-naturalistic in their representation. Emerging from both the earliest Christian and Late Antique art, many early examples were lost amid the Roman Persecution; the fragmented mosaics of the 3rd-century Dura-Europos church are a unique exception. Such Byzantine mosaics, known for their gold ground style, became a hallmark of the empire, displaying both secular and sacred themes in diverse places, including churches (Basilica of San Vitale), the circus (Hippodrome of Constantinople), and the Great Palace of Constantinople. The early 6th-century reign of Justinian I saw systemic developments: religious art came to dominate, and once-popular public marble and bronze monumental sculpture fell out of favour due to pagan associations. Justinian commissioned the monumental Hagia Sophia church, and its influential elements became architectural hallmarks for the empire: the immense size, large dome, innovative use of pendentives and highly decorative interior were imitated as far north as the Cathedral of Saint Sophia in Novgorod and the Saint Sophia Cathedral in Kyiv. The Hagia Sophia's creators, the engineer-architects Isidore of Miletus and Anthemius of Tralles, are uniquely esteemed; most Byzantine artists were unrecorded and typically deemed to have little importance.

Smaller-scale art flourished throughout the entire Byzantine period: costly ivory carvings—often as diptychs (Barberini ivory) or triptychs (Harbaville Triptych)—featured imperial commemorations or religious scenes and were particularly valued, as were metalwork and enamels. Other costly objects included illuminated manuscripts, which were lavishly illustrated for a wide range of texts, and silks, often dyed in the prized imperial purple; both became highly popular in Western Europe. The rise of small, portable icon paintings, used for both public and private religious worship, grew increasingly controversial. During two periods of Byzantine Iconoclasm (726–843), possibly influenced by Islamic prohibitions on religious images, icons were suppressed and enormous amounts of figurative religious art was destroyed.Iconoclasts condemned their use, likening them to pagan idolatry and ascribing recent Umayyad defeats as divine retribution for their use. Iconophiles eventually prevailed, maintaining their essential use for veneration, considered distinct from worship, and found precedent in gospel references.

Post-iconoclast Macedonian art (867–1056) saw a cultural renaissance, and many artworks from this period survive. Subjects and styles became standardised, particularly cross-in-square churches, and already-existing frontality and symmetry evolved into a dominant artistic aesthetic, observable in the small Pala d'Oro enamel and the large mosaics of the Hosios Loukas, Daphni, and Nea Moni monasteries. The subsequent Komnenos-Angelos periods (1081–1204) saw increased imperial patronage, alongside figurative artwork of increased emotional expression (Dead Christ and Mourners, c. 1164). Byzantine artistic influence spread widely to Norman Sicily (the Madrid Skylitzes) and Venice (the mosaics of St Mark's Basilica). Serbian churches flourished, as three successive schools of architecture—Raška (1170–1282), Byzantine Serbia (1282–1355), and Morava (1355–1489)—combined a Romanesque aesthetic with increasingly voluminous decorations and domes. As smaller Palaeologan artworks (1261–1453) gained relic status in Western Europe—many looted in the 1204 Fourth Crusade—they greatly influenced the Italo-Byzantine style of Cimabue, Duccio, and later Giotto; the latter is traditionally regarded by art historians as the inaugurator of Italian Renaissance painting.

Literature

Byzantine literature concerns all Greek literature from the Middle Ages. Although the empire was linguistically diverse, the vast majority of extant texts are in medieval Greek, in two diglossic variants: a scholarly form based on Attic Greek, and a vernacular based on Koine Greek. Most contemporary scholars consider all medieval Greek texts to be literature, but some offer varying constraints. The literature's early period (c. 330–650) was dominated by the competing cultures of Hellenism, Christianity and Paganism. The Greek Church Fathers—educated in an Ancient Greek rhetoric tradition—sought to synthesise these influences. Important early writers include John Chrysostom, Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite and Procopius, all of whom aimed to reinvent older forms to fit the empire. Theological miracle stories were particularly innovative and popular; the Sayings of the Desert Fathers (Apophthegmata Patrum) were copied in nearly every Byzantine monastery. During the Byzantine Dark Ages (c. 650–800), production of literature mostly stopped, though some important theologians were active, such as Maximus the Confessor, Germanus I of Constantinople and John of Damascus.

The subsequent cultural Macedonian Renaissance (c. 800–1000; the "Encyclopedism period") saw a renewed proliferation of literature and revived the earlier Hellenic-Christian synthesis. Works by Homer, Ancient Greek philosophers and tragedians were translated, and hagiography was heavily reorganised. After this early flowering of monastic literature, there was a dearth until Symeon the New Theologian in the late 10th century. A new generation (c. 1000–1250), including Symeon, Michael Psellos and Theodore Prodromos, rejected the Encyclopedist emphasis on order, and were interested in individual-focused ideals variously concerning mysticism, authorial voice, heroism, humour and love. This included the Hellenistic-inspired Byzantine romance and chivalric approaches in rhetoric, historiography and the influential epic Digenes Akritas. The empire's final centuries saw a renewal of hagiography and increased Western influence, leading to mass Greek to Latin translations. Authors such as Gemistos Plethon and Bessarion exemplified a new focus on human vices alongside the preservation of classical traditions, the latter greatly influenced the Italian Renaissance.

Music

Late 4th-century "Mosaic of the Musicians" playing the organ, aulos, and lyre from a Byzantine villa in Maryamin, Syria

Byzantine music is eclectically descended from early Christian plainsong, Jewish music, and a variety of ancient music; its exact connections to ancient Greek music remain uncertain. It included both sacred and secular traditions, but the latter is little known, whereas the former remains the central music of Eastern Orthodox liturgy into the 21st century. The empire's church music, known as Byzantine chant, was exclusively unaccompanied monodic vocal music, sung in Greek. From the 8th century, chant melodies were governed by the Oktōēchos framework, a set of eight modes—echos (ἦχος; lit. 'sound')—each of these provide predetermined motivic formulae for composition. These formulae were chosen for proper text stress and occasionally for text painting, then collated through centonisation into hymns or psalms.^[313]

Byzantine chant was central to the Byzantine Rite; the earliest music was not notated, including early monostrophic short hymns like the troparion.^[315] Proto-Ekphonetic notation (9th century onwards) marked simple recitation patterns. The neumatic Palaeo-Byzantine notation system emerged in the 10th century, and the Middle Byzantine "Round Notation" from the mid-12th century onwards is the first fully diastematic scheme.^[316] Several major forms developed alongside well-known composers: the long kontakion (5th century onwards), popularised by Romanos the Melodist; the also-extensive kanōn (late 7th century onwards), developed by Andrew of Crete; and the shorter sticheron (at least 8th century onwards), championed by Kassia.^[317] By the Palaiologan period, the dominance of strict compositional rules lessened and John Koukouzeles led a new school favouring a more ornamental "kalophonic" style which deeply informed post-empire Neo-Byzantine music.

Secular music, often state-sponsored, was ubiquitous in daily life and featured in a variety of ceremonies, festivals, and theatre. Secular vocal music was rarely notated, and extant manuscripts date much later, suggesting the tradition was passed through oral tradition and likely improvised.^[320] Prohibited for liturgical use, a wide variety of Byzantine instruments flourished in secular contexts, although no notated instrumental music survives. It is uncertain to what extent instrumentalists improvised or if they doubled vocalists monophonically or heterophonically.^[322] Among the best known instruments are the hydraulic organ, used for circus and imperial court events; the ancient Greek-descended aulos, a wind instrument; the tambouras, a plucked string instrument; and mostly popularly, the Byzantine lyra.^[322] Prominent genres included acclamation chants of laudation or salutation; the celebratory Acritic songs; symposia instrumental banquets, based on ancient symposiums; and dance music.^[323]

Science and technology

Interior of the Hagia Sophia; the influence of Archimedes' principles of solid geometry is evident.

The scholars of the empire played a principal role in transmitting classical knowledge to the Islamic world and Renaissance Italy, as well as producing commentaries that helped expand scientific knowledge. This medieval Greek scholarship was not only based on scientific treatises from antiquity but also drew from Islamic, Latin, and Hebrew works, which helped spearhead new developments as late as the 11th and 12th centuries.

Ceramic grenades which were filled with Greek fire, surrounded by caltrops, 10th–12th century, National Historical Museum, Athens

Key people passed on important traditions that underpinned this scholarship, especially in the realms of philosophy, geometry, astronomy, and grammar. For example, the Hagia Sophia architect Isidore of Miletus (c. 530), compiled Archimedes' works which Leo the Mathematician (c. 850) incorporated into formal courses, and is why the Archimedes Palimpsest is known today.John Philoponus and his critiques of Aristotelian physics, the pharmacologist Pedanius Dioscorides, and Ptolematic geography and astronomy had an important influence on western science, as seen with Ptolemy's influence on Copernicus and Philoponus on Bonaventure, Gersonides, Buridan, Oresme and Galileo.

Military innovations included the riding stirrup which provided stability for mounted archers and dramatically transformed the army; a specialised type of horseshoe; the lateen sail, which improved a ship's responsiveness to wind; and Greek fire—an incendiary weapon capable of burning even when doused with water, first appearing around the time of the Siege of Constantinople (674–678). In healthcare, the empire pioneered the concept of the hospital as an institution offering medical care and the possibility of a cure for the patients, rather than merely being a place to die.

Legacy

Political aftermath

The Eastern Mediterranean just before the Fall of Constantinople

After Constantinople fell, the Ottomans quickly absorbed the remaining independent territories, including Morea in 1460, Trebizond in 1461, Acciaiuoli Athens in 1456, and Gattilusi Lesvos in 1462. They dismantled the Empire's political and secular institutions, leaving the impoverished Church to manage what would be later called the Rum Millet, primarily as a tool for taxing its followers. As the sole sovereign Orthodox state, Russia developed the Third Rome doctrine, emphasising its cultural heritage as distinct from Western Europe, because the latter had inherited much of the empire's secular learning. The Danubian Principalities became a haven for Orthodox Christians and Phanariot Greeks who sought to recreate a Byzantine Greek Empire. In modern Greece, members of the Rum Millet increasingly identified as Greeks, eventually leading to a successful war of independence in the 19th century. The modern Greek state nearly doubled its territory through the pursuit of the Megali Idea—a colonialist vision of reclaiming the former lands of the eastern empire—achieving limited success during the Crimean war but making significant gains during the Balkan wars.

Since the 15th century, Byzantine history has been deeply politicised, woven into nationalist, colonialist, and imperialist narratives. This politicisation appears not only in Greece but also in Bulgarian, Romanian, Serbian, Hungarian, and Turkish nationalism, as well as in former French and Russian imperialist agendas. In the English-speaking world, interpretations of Byzantine history frequently surface in political debates, alongside the growing appreciation for its legacy. The complexity of this history makes it a sensitive topic, especially regarding Greece's role in Europe’s evolving sense of identity and the origin stories of many European nations.

Cultural aftermath

Monument to St. Cyril and St. Methodius, Byzantine missionaries to the Slavs, on Mt. Radhošť in Czechia

The Byzantine Empire distinctively blended Roman political traditions, Greek literary heritage, and Christianity, creating the civilisational framework that laid the foundation for medieval Europe. The Empire preserved European civilisation by acting as a shield against forces from Eurasian Steppe people such as the Avars, Bulgars, Cumans, Huns, Pechenegs, and Turks.

The empire's legal codes significantly influenced the civil law traditions of continental Europe, Russia, Latin America, Ethiopia, and even the English-speaking common law countries; and possibly influenced Islamic legal traditions as well. It also preserved and transmitted classical learning and manuscripts, making important contributions to the intellectual revival which fuelled Italian humanism.

The Byzantine Empire played a pivotal role in shaping Christianity by supporting early Church fathers and the decisions of Church councils; developing the institution of monasticism; and fostering the Orthodox tradition which continues to define much of Eastern European identity. It was also instrumental in preserving the Greek language and is credited with developing the Glagolitic alphabet, which later evolved into the Cyrillic script and Old Church Slavonic. These innovations provided the first literary language for the Slavs and formed the educational foundation for all Slavic nations.

See also

• Family tree of Byzantine emperors
• Index of Byzantine Empire–related articles
• List of Byzantine revolts and civil wars
• List of Byzantine wars
• List of Roman dynasties
• Outline of the Byzantine Empire

References

Notes

1. Medieval Greek: Ῥωμαῖοι, romanized: Rhōmaîoi. Due to the imperial seat's move to Byzantium, the adoption of state Christianity, and the predominance of Greek instead of Latin, most historians make a distinction between the earlier Roman Empire and the later Byzantine Empire.
2. Leo VI was officially the son of Basil I, but a persistent rumour alleged that he had been fathered by Michael III, who had previously taken Leo's mother Eudokia Ingerina as his mistress. One of Leo's first acts was to rebury Michael III in Basil's mausoleum in the Church of the Holy Apostles complex, which exacerbated the rumours.
3. Arianism, one of the first major controversies, shook the empire until it was addressed by the Nicene Creed. Other controversies persisted, leading to schisms, such as debates on the fundamental definitions of Christ's nature at the Council of Chalcedon in 451.

Citations

1. Treadgold 1997, p. 137.
2. Treadgold 1997, p. 278.
3. Treadgold 1997, p. 236.
4. Treadgold 1997, p. 570.
5. Millar 2006, pp. 2, 15; Kaldellis 2007, pp. 2–3.
6. Kaldellis 2023, p. 2; Aschenbrenner & Ransohoff 2022a, pp. 1–2; Cormack, Haldon & Jeffreys 2008, pp. 8–9.
7. Kaldellis 2022, pp. 349–351; Cormack, Haldon & Jeffreys 2008, p. 4.
8. Aschenbrenner & Ransohoff 2022a, p. 2.
9. Kaldellis 2022, pp. 352–357.
10. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 2–3; Cormack, Haldon & Jeffreys 2008, p. 4.
11. Cameron 2002, pp. 190–191; Kaldellis 2015.
12. Kaldellis 2023, p. 34; Shepard 2009, p. 22.
13. Shepard 2009, p. 26.
14. Greatrex 2008, p. 232.
15. Greatrex 2008, p. 233; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 16–17; Treadgold 1997, pp. 4–7.
16. Greatrex 2008, pp. 233–235; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 17–18; Treadgold 1997, pp. 14–18.
17. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 20–21, 34; Treadgold 1997, pp. 39, 45, 85; Rotman 2022, p. 234–235; Greatrex 2008.
18. Greatrex 2008, p. 335; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 16–20; Treadgold 1997, pp. 39–40.
19. Greatrex 2008, pp. 335–337; Kaldellis 2023, chapter 2; Treadgold 1997, p. 40.
20. Greatrex 2008, pp. 336–337; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 81–84; Treadgold 1997, pp. 31–33, 40–47.
21. Greatrex 2008, pp. 337–338; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 92–99, 106–111; Treadgold 1997, pp. 52–62.
22. Greatrex 2008, pp. 239–240; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 114–118, 121–123; Treadgold 1997, pp. 63–67.
23. Greatrex 2008, p. 240; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 128–129; Treadgold 1997, p. 73.
24. Greatrex 2008, p. 241; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 129–137; Treadgold 1997, pp. 74–75.
25. Greatrex 2008, pp. 240–241; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 126–128; Treadgold 1997, pp. 71–74.
26. Kaldellis 2023, p. 136.
27. Greatrex 2008, p. 242; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 165–167; Treadgold 1997, pp. 87–90.
28. Greatrex 2008, p. 242; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 172–178; Treadgold 1997, pp. 91–92, 96–99; Shepard 2009, p. 23.
29. Greatrex 2008, pp. 242–243; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 193–196, 200; Treadgold 1997, pp. 94–95, 98.
30. Greatrex 2008, pp. 243–244; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 209, 214–215; Treadgold 1997, pp. 153, 158–159.
31. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 243–246.
32. Greatrex 2008, p. 244; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 220–221; Treadgold 1997, pp. 162–164.
33. Greatrex 2008, p. 244; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 223–226; Treadgold 1997, pp. 164–173.
34. Haldon 2008a, p. 250; Louth 2009a, p. 106; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 257–258; Treadgold 1997, p. 174.
35. Louth 2009a, pp. 108–109; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 269–271; Sarris 2002, p. 45; Treadgold 1997, pp. 178–180.
36. Sarris 2002, pp. 43–45; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 271–274; Louth 2009a, pp. 114–119.
37. Louth 2009a, pp. 111–114; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 274–277; Sarris 2002, p. 46.
38. Sarris 2002, p. 46; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 279–283, 287–288, 305–307; Moorhead 2009, pp. 202–209.
39. Kaldellis 2023, p. 297; Treadgold 1997, pp. 193–194; Haldon 2008a, pp. 252–253.
40. Sarris 2002, p. 49; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 298–301.
41. Treadgold 1997, pp. 196–207; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 298–299, 305–306; Moorhead 2009, pp. 207–208.
42. Treadgold 1997, pp. 210–211, 214; Louth 2009a, pp. 117–118; Haldon 2008a, p. 253.
43. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 318–319; Treadgold 1997, p. 217; Sarris 2002, p. 51.
44. Sarris 2002, p. 51; Haldon 2008a, p. 254; Treadgold 1997, pp. 220–222.
45. Louth 2009a, pp. 124–127; Haldon 2008a, p. 254; Sarris 2002, p. 51.
46. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 336–338; Treadgold 1997, pp. 232–235; Haldon 2008a, p. 254.
47. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 347–350; Haldon 2008a, p. 254; Louth 2009b, pp. 226–227; Treadgold 1997, p. 241.
48. Haldon 2008a, pp. 254–255; Treadgold 1997, pp. 287–293; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 351–355.
49. Sarris 2002, pp. 56–58; Haldon 2008a, p. 255; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 364–367, 369, 372; Louth 2009b, pp. 227–229; Treadgold 1997, pp. 397–400.
50. Kaldellis 2023, p. 375; Haldon 2008a, p. 256; Louth 2009b, pp. 229–230.
51. Kaldellis 2023, p. 387; Haldon 2008a, p. 256; Treadgold 2002, p. 129.
52. Kaldellis 2023, p. 387.
53. Haldon 2008a, p. 257; Kaldellis 2023, p. 387.
54. Kaldellis 2023, p. 389; Louth 2009b, pp. 230–231.
55. Treadgold 1997, pp. 315–316; Louth 2009b, pp. 239–240.
56. Treadgold 1997, pp. 323–327; Haldon 2008a, p. 257; Louth 2009b, pp. 232–233.
57. Kaldellis 2023, p. 403; Haldon 2008a, pp. 257–258; Treadgold 2002, pp. 134–135.
58. Kaldellis 2023, p. 403; Treadgold 2002, p. 135.
59. Treadgold 2002, pp. 136–138; Haldon 2008a, p. 257; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 438–440.
60. Treadgold 2002, pp. 137–138; Haldon 2008a, p. 257; Auzépy 2009, p. 265.
61. Haldon 2008a, pp. 258–259; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 443, 451–452; Auzépy 2009, pp. 255–260.
62. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 444–445; Auzépy 2009, pp. 275–276.
63. Auzépy 2009, pp. 265–273; Kaegi 2009, pp. 385–385; Kaldellis 2023, p. 450.
64. Haldon 2008a, p. 260; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 450–454; Treadgold 2002, pp. 140–141.
65. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 443, 447–449, 454–459; Haldon 2008a, pp. 258–261; Auzépy 2009, pp. 253–254.
66. Treadgold 2002, pp. 140–141; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 459–561; Auzépy 2009, pp. 284–287.
67. Haldon 2008a, p. 261; Treadgold 2002, pp. 141–142; Magdalino 2002, p. 170.
68. Haldon 2008a, p. 261; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 464–469.
69. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 470–473; Magdalino 2002, pp. 169–171; Haldon 2008a, p. 261.
70. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 473–474, 478–481.
71. Holmes 2008, p. 265; Auzépy 2009, pp. 257, 259, 289; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 482–483, 485–491.
72. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 491–495; Holmes 2008, p. 265; Auzépy 2009, pp. 273–274.
73. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 498–501; Holmes 2008, p. 266.
74. Holmes 2008, pp. 265–266; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 504–505; Auzépy 2009, p. 254; Tougher 2009, pp. 292–293, 296.
75. Tougher 2009, pp. 292, 296; Holmes 2008, p. 266.
76. Holmes 2008, p. 266; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 522–524; Treadgold 1997, pp. 455–458.
77. Tougher 2009, p. 296; Kaldellis 2023, p. 526.
78. Shepard 2009b, pp. 493, 496–498; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 429–433; Holmes 2008, p. 267.
79. Holmes 2008, p. 267; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 534–535.
80. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 537–539; Holmes 2008, p. 267; Shepard 2009b, p. 503.
81. Shepard 2009b, p. 505; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 540–543; Holmes 2008, p. 267.
82. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 543–544; Shepard 2009b, pp. 505–507.
83. Shepard 2009b, pp. 508–509; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 546–552; Holmes 2008, p. 268.
84. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 553–555; Holmes 2008, p. 268.
85. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 563–573; Holmes 2008, pp. 268–269; Magdalino 2002, p. 176.
86. Holmes 2008, p. 268.
87. Shepard 2009b, pp. 522–526; Magdalino 2002, p. 202; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 573–578.
88. Shepard 2009b, pp. 526, 531; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 578–579; Holmes 2008, p. 269.
89. Holmes 2008, p. 269; Shepard 2009b, pp. 526–29; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 579–582.
90. Shepard 2009b, p. 529; Holmes 2008, p. 271.
91. Kaldellis 2023, p. 584; Holmes 2008, pp. 270–271; Magdalino 2002, p. 180.
92. Shepard 2009b, pp. 531–536; Holmes 2008, p. 271.
93. Magdalino 2002, pp. 202–203; Holmes 2008, pp. 271–272; Angold 2009, pp. 587–588; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 588–589.
94. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 590, 593; Magdalino 2002, pp. 181–182; Angold 2009, pp. 587–598.
95. Kaldellis 2023, p. 602.
96. Holmes 2008, pp. 272–273; Magdalino 2002, p. 182; Kaldellis 2023, p. 636.
97. Holmes 2008, p. 273; Magdalino 2002, pp. 184–185, 189.
98. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 629–637; Angold 2009, pp. 609–610.
99. Holmes 2008, pp. 273–274; Angold 2009, p. 611.
100. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 639–642; Holmes 2008, p. 275; Magdalino 2002, p. 190.
101. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 642–644; Holmes 2008, p. 275; Angold 2009, pp. 611–612.
102. Holmes 2008, p. 275; Magdalino 2002, p. 190; Angold 2009, pp. 621–623.
103. Holmes 2008, pp. 274–275; Angold 2009, pp. 612–613, 619–621, 623–625; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 645–647, 659–663.
104. Holmes 2008, p. 274; Magdalino 2009, pp. 629–630.
105. Holmes 2008, p. 275; Magdalino 2009, pp. 631–633; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 664–670.
106. Kaldellis 2023, p. 669; Holmes 2008, p. 275.
107. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 670, 676–677; Magdalino 2009, pp. 644–646.
108. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 678, 683–688; Holmes 2008, pp. 275–276.
109. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 679–681; Magdalino 2009, pp. 637–638.
110. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 682–683; Magdalino 2002, p. 194; Magdalino 2009, pp. 638–641.
111. Magdalino 2009, pp. 643–644; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 692–693.
112. Kaldellis 2023, p. 695.
113. Magdalino 2002, p. 194; Holmes 2008, p. 276.
114. Holmes 2008, p. 276; Magdalino 2002, pp. 194–195; Magdalino 2009, p. 655.
115. Magdalino 2002, pp. 195–196; Magdalino 2009, pp. 648–651; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 706–710.
116. Holmes 2008, p. 276.
117. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 718–720; Magdalino 2009, pp. 651–652.
118. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 720–724; Magdalino 2009, pp. 652–653.
119. Laiou 2008, p. 280; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 733–734; Reinert 2002, pp. 250–253; Angold 2009b, p. 731.
120. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 755–758; Angold 2009b, p. 737.
121. Laiou 2008, p. 283; Reinert 2002, p. 254; Angold 2009b, pp. 737–738; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 766–770.
122. Reinert 2002, p. 253; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 760–762.
123. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 771; Laiou 2008, pp. 282–283.
124. Angold 2009b, p. 740; Laiou 2008, pp. 282–283; Kaldellis 2023, p. 772.
125. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 774–781; Reinert 2002, p. 254.
126. Laiou 2008, p. 283; Reinert 2002, p. 254.
127. Reinert 2002, pp. 256–257; Laiou 2008, p. 286.
128. Reinert 2002, pp. 257–258; Laiou 2009, pp. 803–804.
129. Reinert 2002, pp. 258; Laiou 2008, p. 287.
130. Laiou 2008, pp. 287–288; Reinert 2002, pp. 260–263; Kaldellis 2023, p. 847.
131. Laiou 2008, pp. 289–290; Reinert 2002, pp. 265–268.
132. Laiou 2008, p. 291.
133. Laiou 2008, p. 291; Reinert 2002, pp. 268–269.
134. Laiou 2009, p. 829.
135. Reinert 2002, pp. 273–274; Laiou 2009, pp. 831–832; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 887–889.
136. Reinert 2002, pp. 274–276; Laiou 2008, p. 292; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 892–894.
137. Reinert 2002, p. 276.
138. Reinert 2002, pp. 278–279; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 903–908.
139. Reinert 2002, pp. 280–283; Laiou 2008, pp. 292–293; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 910–914.
140. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 35, 189, 222; Nicol 1988, p. 63; Howard-Johnston 2024, p. 8.
141. Kaldellis 2023, p. 35; Howard-Johnston 2024, p. 8; Browning 1992, p. 98.
142. Kaldellis 2023, p. 338; Treadgold 1997b, p. 326; Nicol 1988, p. 64.
143. Nicol 1988, p. 63.
144. Louth 2005, pp. 306–308; Treadgold 1997b, pp. 82–83.
145. Louth 2005, p. 303; Treadgold 1997b, pp. 430–431; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 418, 421.
146. Browning 1992, p. 98; Kaldellis 2023, p. 185.
147. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 397, 407–409, 536; Howard-Johnston 2024, p. 67; Browning 1992, p. 98.
148. Kaldellis 2023, p. 168; Stein 1999, pp. 14, 16, 28; Kaiser 2015, p. 120.
149. Gregory 2010, p. 135; Stein 1999, pp. 33–35; Dingledy 2019, pp. 2–14; Kaiser 2015, pp. 123–126.
150. Stein 1999, p. 8; Merryman & Pérez-Perdomo 2007, p. 21.
151. Stolte 2015, pp. 356, 370; Stolte 2018, pp. 231–232.
152. Chitwood 2017, p. 23.
153. Chitwood 2017, p. 185.
154. Chitwood 2017, p. 185; Nicol 1988, p. 65.
155. Chitwood 2017, pp. 23, 132, 364.
156. Browning 1992, p. 97; Kaldellis 2023, p. 529; Chitwood 2017, pp. 25–32, 44.
157. Browning 1992, pp. 97–98; Chitwood 2017, pp. 32–35; Kaldellis 2023, p. 529.
158. Stein 1999, p. 35.
159. Papaconstantinou 2016, p. xxxii; Cameron 2016, p. 31; Cameron 2006b, pp. 544–551; Drake 2007, pp. 418, 422; Greatrex 2008, p. 236.
160. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 141, 186, 342.
161. Brown 1976, p. 8; Löhr 2007, p. 9.
162. Kaldellis 2023, p. 390; Cameron 2017, A United Church, chapter 1.
163. Berndt & Steinacher 2014, pp. 1–2, 8–19; Löhr 2007, p. 14.
164. Sabo 2018, pp. vi, 9; Löhr 2007, pp. 14–23.
165. Adams 2021, p. 366; Micheau 2006, pp. 373, 375.
166. Micheau 2006, pp. 373–374, 376.
167. Nicholson 1960, pp. 54, 60; Casiday & Norris 2007a, p. 3.
168. Louth 2008, p. 47; Kolbaba 2008, pp. 214–215.
169. Kolbaba 2008, pp. 213–215, 218–221.
170. Meyendorff 1979, pp. 95, 97 101; Kolbaba 2008, p. 223.
171. Brown 2008, p. 13; Kolbaba 2008, p. 223.
172. Treadgold 1995, pp. 63–64, 206; Haldon 1999, p. 67.
173. Treadgold 1995, pp. 63, 204; Haldon 1999, p. 67; Decker 2013, p. 71.
174. Haldon 1999, p. 68.
175. Treadgold 1995, pp. 63–64; Haldon 1999, pp. 68–69; Haldon 2008b, p. 554.
176. Haldon 1999, p. 74; Decker 2013, p. 74.
177. Treadgold 1995, p. 23; Haldon 2008b, pp. 554–555.
178. Haldon 2008b, pp. 555–556; Kaldellis 2021a, p. 463.
179. Haldon 1999, p. 74; Haldon 2008b, p. 559.
180. Decker 2013, pp. 207–208, 222–224; Kaldellis 2021a, p. 463; Howard-Johnston 2008, p. 947.
181. Kaldellis 2021a, p. 463; Treadgold 1995, pp. 25, 209; Decker 2013, pp. 77–78.
182. Haldon 1999, p. 92; Decker 2013, pp. 78–82.
183. Haldon 2008b, p. 556.
184. Treadgold 1995, p. 67; Kaldellis 2021a, p. 463; Kaldellis 2023, p. 562.
185. Haldon 2008b, p. 557; Treadgold 1995, pp. 214–218.
186. Haldon 2008b, p. 560.
187. Haldon 2008b, p. 557; Kaldellis 2021a, p. 464; Bartusis 1997, pp. 5–6.
188. Haldon 2008b, p. 557; Bartusis 1997, pp. 5–7; Decker 2013, p. 82.
189. Haldon 2008b, pp. 557–558; Decker 2013, pp. 82–83.
190. Haldon 2008b, pp. 558–560; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 812, 860–861.
191. Decker 2013, p. 40; Haldon 2008b, p. 559.
192. Howard-Johnston 2008, p. 940; Kaldellis 2021a, p. 463.
193. Haldon 1999, p. 278; Decker 2013, p. 130; Kaldellis 2021a, p. 465.
194. Decker 2013, p. 130, 135–137; Kazhdan 1990, pp. 15–17.
195. Kazhdan 1990, pp. 10–11; Decker 2013, p. 129.
196. Kazhdan 1990.
197. Howard-Johnston 2008, p. 945; Kazhdan 1990, pp. 20–21; Bartusis 1997, p. 348; Kaldellis 2021a, p. 466.
198. Treadgold 1997b, pp. 197, 384–385; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 21–22; Stathakopoulos 2008, p. 310.
199. Stathakopoulos 2008, p. 312; Treadgold 1997b, pp. 931–932.
200. Stathakopoulos 2008, p. 313; Treadgold 1997b, p. 1112.
201. Stathakopoulos 2008, pp. 310, 314; Stathakopoulos 2023, p. 31; Kaldellis 2023, p. 21.
202. Markopoulos 2008, p. 786; Jeffreys 2008, p. 798.
203. Markopoulos 2008, p. 789.
204. Constantelos 1998, p. 19: "The fifth century marked a definite turning point in Byzantine higher education. Theodosios ΙΙ founded in 425 a major university with 31 chairs for law, philosophy, medicine, arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, music, rhetoric and other subjects. Fifteen chairs were assigned to Latin and 16 to Greek. The university was reorganised by Michael III (842–867) and flourished down to the fourteenth century.".
205. Kazhdan & Wharton 1990, p. 122.
206. Rosser 2011, p. xxx.
207. Kaldellis 2023, p. 40; Rotman 2022, p. 32; Lavan 2016, pp. 16, 19.
208. Rotman 2009, pp. 18, 179; Rotman 2022, p. 59.
209. Kaldellis 2023, p. 39; Lenski 2021, pp. 473–474.
210. Rotman 2009, pp. 30–31; Kaldellis 2023, p. 425; Rotman 2022, p. 42; Lenski 2021, p. 470; Rotman 2010.
211. Kaldellis 2023, p. 140; Rotman 2009, Chapter 2; Rotman 2022, pp. 37–38, 53; Lenski 2021, pp. 461–462.
212. Harper 2010, p. 237.
213. Kaldellis 2023, p. 40; Rotman 2022, p. 53; Lenski 2021, pp. 467–468.
214. Kaldellis 2023, p. 38; Brandes 2008, p. 563.
215. Kaldellis 2023, p. 39; Harvey 2008, p. 329.
216. Kaldellis 2023, p. 39; Harvey 2008, p. 331.
217. Kaldellis 2023, p. 444; Rotman 2022, p. 85; Lenski 2021, pp. 464–465.
218. Talbot 1997, p. 121; Kazhdan 1990a, p. 132.
219. Rotman 2022, p. 83; Talbot 1997, p. 121; Kaldellis 2023, p. 41; Stathakopoulos 2008, pp. 309, 313.
220. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 88, 321, 444, 529, 588, 769; Talbot 1997, pp. 119, 122, 128.
221. Harris 2017, p. 13; Kaldellis 2023, p. 41; Garland 2006, p. xiv.
222. Kaldellis 2023, p. 40.
223. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 40, 592; Stephenson 2010, p. 66.
224. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 40, 592; Talbot 1997, p. 129; Garland 2006, p. xvi.
225. Kaldellis 2023, p. 40; Talbot 1997, pp. 118–119.
226. Kaldellis 2023, p. 40; Talbot 1997, pp. 126–127; Karras 2004, pp. 309–314.
227. Talbot 1997, pp. 130–131; Harris 2017, p. 133; Garland 2006, p. xiv; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 40–41.
228. Talbot 1997, p. 131; Kazhdan 1990a, p. 136.
229. Grosdidier de Matons 1967, pp. 23–25; Garland 1999, pp. 11–39.
230. Kaldellis 2023, p. 40; Karras 2004, p. 310.
231. Kaldellis 2023, p. 529; Harris 2017, p. 133.
232. Horrocks 2008, p. 778.
233. Horrocks 2010, p. 208; Rochette 2023, pp. 282–283.
234. Horrocks 2008, p. 778; Rochette 2023, pp. 283–284.
235. Horrocks 2010, pp. 208–209.
236. Horrocks 2008, pp. 778–779; Horrocks 2010, pp. 207–210.
237. Treadgold 2002, p. 142.
238. Browning 1982, p. 51.
239. Browning 1982, p. 51; Horrocks 2008, pp. 781–782.
240. Horrocks 2008, p. 783; Horrocks 2010, pp. 216–218; Jeffreys & Mango 2002, pp. 298–300.
241. Browning 1982, pp. 51–52; Jeffreys & Mango 2002, p. 299.
242. Whittow 2009, p. 473; Laiou & Morrisson 2007, p. 13.
243. Laiou & Morrisson 2007, p. 24.
244. Whittow 2009, p. 467; Laiou & Morrisson 2007, p. 246.
245. Whittow 2009, pp. 472, 474, 479; Laiou 2002c, p. 698; Laiou & Morrisson 2007, p. 24.
246. Laiou 2002a, p. 177; Laiou & Morrisson 2007, pp. 25–26.
247. Whittow 2009, p. 465, 471; Laiou & Morrisson 2007, pp. 25–26, 232.
248. Laiou & Morrisson 2007, pp. 44–46.
249. Whittow 2009, pp. 473–474; Laiou 2002a, pp. 269–270.
250. Laiou & Morrisson 2007, pp. 19–22, 24.
251. Whittow 2009, p. 476; Laiou & Morrisson 2007, pp. 90–92.
252. Whittow 2009, pp. 473–476; Laiou 2002a, pp. 25, 402.
253. Laiou 2002a, p. 23; Laiou 2002b, p. 1164; Laiou & Morrisson 2007, p. 233.
254. Magdalino 2002b, p. 535.
255. Kaldellis 2023, p. 739; Laiou & Morrisson 2007, pp. 167–168.
256. Matschke 2002, pp. 805–806.
257. Whittow 2009, p. 477; Matschke 2002, pp. 771–772; Laiou & Morrisson 2007, p. 203.
258. Matschke 2002, p. 779; Laiou & Morrisson 2007, p. 168.
259. Laiou 2002c, p. 754.
260. Whittow 2009, p. 471; Laiou & Morrisson 2007, pp. 232–235.
261. Shepard 2009, p. 69; Ball 2005, p. 4; Dawson 2006, pp. 41, 43.
262. Ball 2005, pp. 57, 75–76, 118–119.
263. Ball 2005, pp. 35, 177.
264. Ball 2005, pp. 12, 29.
265. Ball 2005, pp. 24, 30, 32, 34; Dawson 2006, p. 43.
266. Ball 2005, p. 9.
267. Ball 2005, p. 6.
268. Ash 1995, p. 244; Bryer 2008, pp. 673–675; Decker 2008, p. 496.
269. Faas 2005, pp. 184–185; Bryer 2008, p. 671; Ash 1995, p. 233; Vryonis 1971, p. 482.
270. Davidson 2014, p. 123.
271. Bryer 2008, pp. 672–673; Unwin 2010, p. 185.
272. Horn & Schädler 2019.
273. Jeffreys 2008a, pp. 681–682; Kaldellis 2023, p. 13, 138.
274. Jeffreys 2008a, p. 680.
275. Jeffreys 2008a, pp. 678–683; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 187, 233.
276. Kazhdan 1991a, p. 2137, "Tzykanisterion"; Kazanaki-Lappa 2002, p. 643; Jeffreys 2008a, p. 683; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 672, 844.
277. Jeffreys 2008a, p. 683.
278. Cormack 2018, p. 39.
279. James 2003, § para. 3.
280. James 2003, § paras. 2 and 13.
281. Rodley 1994, p. 2; Cormack 2018, pp. 11–12.
282. Rodley 1994, pp. 12–14.
283. Rodley 1994, p. 34; James 2003, § paras. 3–4.
284. Rodley 1994, pp. 32–33, 56–57; Cormack 2018, p. 14.
285. James 2003, § para. 10; Cormack 2018, pp. 33–40; Curl & Wilson 2021, § paras. 3 and 5.
286. Rodley 1994, p. 67.
287. James 2003, § para. 7.
288. James 2003, § para. 4; Cormack 2018, p. 39.
289. James 2003, § paras. 4–5.
290. Rodley 1994, pp. 101–102; Cormack 2018, p. 2.
291. Lowden 1997, pp. 147–148.
292. Matthews & Platt 1997, p. 185.
293. Rodley 1994, pp. 115–116; Lowden 1997, pp. 147–151.
294. Rodley 1994, p. 132; Lowden 1997, pp. 187–188.
295. James 2003, § para. 3; Cormack 2018, pp. 146–147.
296. Curl & Wilson 2021, § para. 7.
297. Rodley 1994, p. 166; Cormack 2018, pp. 159, 186; Andronikou 2022, pp. 2–4.
298. Browning 2022, § para. 1.
299. Papaioannou 2021a, pp. 1–2, 5–7.
300. Browning 1991a.
301. Papaioannou 2021a, p. 10.
302. Kazhdan 1999, p. 1; van Dieten 1980, pp. 101–105.
303. Browning 2022, § paras. 1–2; Kaldellis 2021, pp. 162–163.
304. Kazhdan 1991b, p. 1236.
305. Martín 2021, p. 685.
306. Kazhdan 1991b, pp. 1236–1237.
307. Kazhdan 1991b, p. 1237.
308. Ring 1994, p. 318.
309. Velimirović 1990, pp. 28–29; Conomos 1991, p. 1426.
310. Conomos 1991, pp. 1424–1426; Levy & Troelsgård 2016, § Introduction.
311. Velimirović 1990, pp. 26–27, 29.
312. Velimirović 1990, pp. 45–46; Conomos 1991, p. 1425; Levy & Troelsgård 2016, §5 "System of eight modes ('oktōēchos')", §7 "Formulaic chants".
313. Velimirović 1990, p. 29; Levy & Troelsgård 2016, §7 "Formulaic chants".
314. Velimirović 1990, pp. 26–27.
315. Levy & Troelsgård 2016, §10 "Syllabic hymn settings".
316. Velimirović 1990; Levy & Troelsgård 2016, §3 "Melodic notation".
317. Conomos 1991, p. 1425; Levy & Troelsgård 2016, §3 "Melodic notation"; Mellas 2020, p. 2.
318. Conomos 1991, pp. 1425–1426.
319. Touliatos 2001, § Introduction.
320. Touliatos 2001, § "Sources".
321. Conomos & Kazhdan 1991, p. 1426.
322. Conomos & Kazhdan 1991, p. 1426; Touliatos 2001, §2 "Instruments and performing practice".
323. Touliatos 2001, §3 "Genres and composers".
324. Robins 1993, pp. 8–9; Lazaris 2020a, p. 17; Telelis 2020, p. 186.
325. Lazaris 2020a, pp. 3, 11; Inglebert 2020, p. 27; Tatakes & Moutafakis 2003, p. 180.
326. Manolova 2020, p. 66.
327. Manolova 2020, p. 66; Jones 2005, p. 520-521.
328. Wildberg 2018; Lindberg 1992, p. 162.
329. Lazaris 2020a, p. 16; Salmon 2020, pp. 445–446; Partington 1999, p. 13.
330. Lindberg 1992, p. 349; Nutton 1984, p. 9; Miller 1997, pp. ix, 3–4; Bennett 2016, pp. 7–14.
331. Kaldellis 2023, p. 914; Nicol 1993, pp. 407–408; Bryer 2009, p. 856.
332. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 914–915; Bryer 2009, p. 869; Papademetriou 2015, p. 52.
333. Seton-Watson 1967, p. 31; Kaldellis 2023, p. 901; Mango 2008, pp. 960–961.
334. Clark 2000, p. 215.
335. Kaldellis 2023, p. 915; Treadgold 1997b, p. 1125.
336. Ivanova & Anderson 2024, p. 1240; Kaldellis 2022, p. 360.
337. Ivanova & Anderson 2024, pp. 1233, 1235, 1248; Aschenbrenner & Ransohoff 2022b, p. 372; Kaldellis 2022, p. 352.
338. Ivanova & Anderson 2024, pp. 1229–41, 1234, 1238; Haarer 2010, pp. 18–19.
339. Ivanova & Anderson 2024, p. 1248; Haarer 2010, pp. 10–12; Goldwyn 2022, p. 325.
340. Ivanova & Anderson 2024, p. 1248; Haarer 2010, p. 18-19; Stewart 2022, p. 3; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 2–3; Cameron 2010, pp. 177–178.
341. Kaldellis 2023, pp. 3–4; Cameron 2010, p. 175.
342. Mango 2008, pp. 958–959; Obolensky 1994, p. 3.
343. Stolte 2015, pp. 10–11; Merryman & Pérez-Perdomo 2007, pp. 367–368; Stein 1999, p. 36.
344. Salogubova & Zenkov 2018.
345. Cameron 2010, p. 165; Mango 2008, p. 960.
346. Poppe 1991, p. 25; Cameron 2010, p. 261; Mango 2008, p. 358.
347. Poppe 1991, p. 25; Ivanič 2016, p. 127; Mango 2008, pp. 959, 961.
348. Poppe 1991, p. 25; Ivanič 2016, p. 127; Cameron 2010, p. 165; Shepard 2006, pp. 7–8.

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